Thể chế hoá “tập đoàn cà phê”, kế kinh nhai và sử dụng đất đai
Chương 1: Giới thiệu (các quan điểm lý thuyết và phân tích)
Bối cảnh lịch sử
Các cơ sở lý thuyết
- Sinh thái nhân văn
- Dân tộc học
- Chủ nghĩa phân biệt
- Chủ nghĩa phụ thuộc
- Tư nhân hoá
- Chủ nghĩa cơ hội
- Phát triển bền vững
- Tranh luận chính sách: chuyển từ truyền thống sang hiện đại, hợp tác xã, sang tư nhân và kinh tế thị trường. Những tranh luận lịch sử về quá trình thay đổi dẫn đến sự tổn thương và sự đỗ vỡ các mối quan hệ xã hội đẩy nhanh sự phát triển của phong trào xã hội thông qua các hoạt động chính trị?
Chương 2: Thể chế hoá tập đoàn cà phê và những thách thức
Chương 3: Khủng hoảng của các tập đoàn cà phê gặp gỡ với chủ trương tư nhân hoá
Chương 4: Tư nhân hoá gây ra khủng hoảng về quyền sử dụng đất
Chương 5: Khủng hoảng đất đai gây ra sự phân hoá xã hội
Chương 6: Sự phân hoá xã hội gây ra thuộc địa hoá nội bộ
Chương 7: Thuộc địa hoá nội bộ gây ra quyền lực xã hội bất hợp pháp và sự nghèo đói
Chương 8: Quyền lực xã hội bất hợp pháp gây ra mâu thuẫn xã hội và chính trị
Chương 9: Mâu thuẫn gây ra sự tiến thoái lưỡng nan trong kế sinh nhai
Chương 10: Tiến thoái lưỡng nan trong kế sinh nhai gây ra mâu thuẫn đất đai và tôn giáo
Chương 11: Mâu thuẫn đất đai và tôn giáo gây ra phong trào xã hội
Chương 12: Phong trào xã hội dẫn đến khái niệm mới về Nhà nước Đề Ga
Chương 13: Kiến nghị thảo luận
Tác động của “Tập đoàn Cà phê” đến Sinh kế của Người dân và Sử dụng Đất đai
Chương I: Giới thiệu (Cơ sở lý thuyết và phân tích)
Giới thiệu: Bối cảnh lịch sử và xuất xứ
Lịch sử nền kinh tế, văn hoá và xã hội của cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số Tây Nguyên nói riêng và cả nước nói chung như thế nào từ năm 1975 đến 2003?
Cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số đã và đang đối mặt với những khó khăn gì và như thế nào trong suốt 30 năm qua: từ 1975-1985-1995-2003?
Tại sao lại có những thay đổi đó? Vì chính sách bị sơ suất hay vì thiếu tính minh bạch, tính trách nhiệm hoặc lý do nào?
Nếu sự chịu đựng và thử thách gây ra bởi quá trình thực thi, tại sao lại như vậy? đưa ra những chỉ số rõ ràng về nguyên nhân gốc của những khó khăn và thử thách đó?
Những khó khăn và thử thách đã dẫn đến phong trào xã hội Tây Nguyên năm 1999 như thế nào? Nó đã tác động cụ thể như thế nào?
Quá trình phân hoá tồn tại trong xã hội như thế nào? Nó đang hình thành tính dễ bị thương tổn xã hội như thế nào?
Tình hình kinh tế, chính trị, văn hoá và xã hội trong vùng Tây Nguyên nói chung và trong vùng nghiên cứu điểm hiện tại như thế nào?
Tính dễ bị thương tổn dẫn đến phong trào xã hội được mô tả và phân tích từ bối cảnh lý thuyết:
Sinh thái nhân văn
Dân tộc học
Chủ nghĩa phân biệt
Chủ nghĩa phụ thuộc
Tư nhân hoá
Chủ nghĩa cơ hội
Phát triển bền vững
Tranh luận chính sách: chuyển từ truyền thống sang hiện đại, tập đoàn, sang tư nhân và kinh tế thị trường.
Những tranh luận lịch sử về quá trình thay đổi dẫn đến sự tổn thương và sự đỗ vỡ các mối quan hệ xã hội đẩy nhanh sự phát triển của phong trào xã hội thông qua các hoạt động chính trị?
Chương 2. Sự ra đời các ‘tập đoàn cà phê’ và những thách thức đối với các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số
Tại sao và khi nào các ‘tập đoàn cà phê’ xuất hiện ở Tây Nguyên, cụ thể là ở vùng nghiên cứu?
Những tập đoàn cà phê đã đóng chức năng như thế nào trong giai đoạn 1975-2003?
Sự tham gia của cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số trong tập đoàn cà phê như thế nào? tại sao?
Họ được hưởng lợi gì và tại sao?
Hệ thống tập đoàn cà phê tác động đến tính dễ bị tổn thương xã hội và kinh tế (quan hệ xã hội, quyền lực xã hội, văn hoá và các hệ giá trị) của các cộng động dân tộc thiểu số như thế nào?
Liệu hệ thống tập đoàn cà phê có gây ra sự phân hoá xã hội ở Tây Nguyên không? Nếu có, sự phân hoá gì đã diễn ra như thế nào, với đối tượng nào trong xã hội nhỏ ở Tây Nguyên? Phân tích vấn đề trên phương diện thay đổi kinh tế, xã hội?
Chương 3. Khủng hoảng ‘tập đoàn cà phê’ và chuyển hướng ưu tiên sang tư nhân hoá.
Tại sao tập đoàn cà phê bị sụp đổ? sụp đổ như thể nào?
Tại sao lại ưu tiên chuyển hướng sang tư nhân hoá? Và như thế nào? Chính sách nhà nước đóng vai trò như thế nào? Vai trò của nhà nước trong quá trình tư nhân hoá là gì? Mô tả và phân tích những đặc trưng khác nhau của tư nhân hoá.
Có sự đầu cơ nào trong quá trình thực thi chính sách tư nhân hoá? nếu có, nó đã ảnh hưởng như thế nào đến cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số Tây Nguyên, đặc biệt là nhóm đối tượng đang nghiên cứu?
Chương 4. Tư nhân hoá dẫn đến khủng hoảng sử dụng đất.
Chính sách tư nhân hoá sử dụng đất đai đã tạo ra quyền sở hữu đất đai như thế nào?
Chính sách tư nhân hoá sử dụng đất đai dẫn đến tình trạng mất đất của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số như thế nào?
Sở hữu đất đai tư nhân tạo cơ hội cho tầng lớp giàu có trong xã hội chiếm hữu đất đai thông qua đăng ký ‘quyền sử dụng đất’.
Sở hữu tư nhân đất đai đã tạo điều kiện cho các công ty tư nhân chiếm hữu đất truyền thống của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số như thế nào? Quyền sử dụng đất đóng vai trò như thế nào với các công ty tư nhân theo Luật pháp Việt nam và Luật pháp quốc tế về đầu tư và phát triển.
Có luật thuế nào đề cập đến thuế tư nhân hoá về sử dụng đất đai, ví dụ: nếu một người nào đó/công ty nào đó lạm dụng đất như độc canh cây hàng hoá, phá huỷ độ màu mỡ của đất đai, anh ta/công ty đó có phải trả thuế cho điều đó không?
Thẩm tra chính sách trong bối cảnh các công ty tư nhân ‘nắm giữ đất đai’. Các công ty tư nhân có thể nắm giữ những loại đất gì? Và quá trình đăng ký quyền sở hữu diễn ra như thế nào?
Những khe hở về mặt thủ tục đăng ký sở hữu đất bởi các công ty tư nhân là gì? Hệ thống sản xuất thương mại đóng chức năng như thế nào và nếu hệ thống đó đóng chức năng có hiệu quả, thuế của họ sẽ được sử dụng cho mục đích gì, ai sẽ trực tiếp hưởng lợi từ khoản thuế đó? Có phần trăm nào dành cho các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số bị mất đất bởi sự chiếm đoạt của những công ty này?
Đối với những mục tiêu xuất khẩu và thương mại, công ty tư nhân tối đa hoá việc sử dụng đất để thu lợi cho công ty; vậy, có luật đất đai nào ở Việt Nam đề cập đến đánh giá tính ảnh hưởng của việc sử dụng đất và đánh giá tác động môi trường trong bối cảnh này? Nếu có, công ty tư nhân phải trả chi phí gì và như thế nào để đền bù việc lạm dụng sử dụng đất đai và môi trường?
Nếu đánh giá tính ảnh hưởng sử dụng đất bắt buộc, chiến lược và kế hoạch cấp vùng gì đang tồn tại có ích cho nghiên cứu điểm?
Toàn bộ quá trình tư nhân hoá dẫn đến khủng hoảng sử dụng đất ở Tây Nguyên như thế nào?
Chiến lược và kế hoạch vĩ mô của nhà nước về những vấn đề này vì sự phát triển bền vững của Tây Nguyên là gì?
Chiến lược và kế hoạch vĩ mô của Việt Nam sẽ nhận ra điều này không? nếu có, họ quan tâm đến cái gì và như thế nào?
Khủng hoảng sử dụng đất gắn liền với sự thay đổi trong quan hệ xã hội, các giá trị xa hội và thể chế xã hội của các cộng đông dân tộc ở Tây Nguyên như thế nào?
Chương 5. Khủng hoảng đất dẫn đến sự phân hoá xã hội
Tại sao khủng hoảng sử dụng đất gây ra sự phân hoá xã hội? điều đó diễn ra như thế nào?
Cơ sở lý thuyết gì để tranh luận khủng hoảng sử dụng đất dẫn đến phân hoá xã hội? Những chỉ số từ các nghiên cứu điểm là gì? Phân tích cụ thể về những khủng hoảng sử dụng đất gây ra tình trạng phân hoá.
Phân tích những thay đổi trong sử dụng đất dẫn đến sự phân hóa - chuyển quyền sở hữu đất từ tay người nông dân sang hợp tác xã, hợp tác xã sang các công ty tư nhân? Đưa ra các bằng chứng.
Những công ty tư nhân kiểm soát đất đai, tài nguyên và các nhóm xã hội như thế nào?
Kế hoạch chiến lược của các công ty tư nhân để đảm bảo lợi ích tối đa như thế nào/ và các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số được lợi như thế nào từ điều đó? Các công ty sử dụng công nghệ và trò chơi thị trường như thế nào để đạt được lợi nhuận tối đa? Những giá trị sinh thái bền vững của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số trong nghiên cứu điểm đã bị ảnh hưởng như thế nào bởi quá trình này?
Các công ty tư nhân kiểm soát hệ thống kinh tế và xã hội của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số như thế nào mà gây ra nhiều khó khăn hơn cho họ?
Toàn bộ tiến trình này đã tác động như thế nào đến đời sống kinh tế, văn hoá và sự sinh tồn của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số?
Chương 6. Sự phân hoá dẫn đến thuộc địa hoá nội bộ
Sự phân hoá gây ra sự thuộc địa hoá nội bộ trong những dân tộc ở địa điểm nghiên cứu là như thế nào?
Những quá trình này tạo ra những khoảng cách như thế nào về kiến thức, cơ hội, văn hoá giữa người giàu và người nghèo, giữa người đa số và thiểu số. Những bài học gì rút ra được từ các nghiên cứu điểm?
Người giàu trở thành những ông chủ quyền lực có thể kiểm soát và quản lý toàn bộ chương trình kinh tế, xã hội và văn hoá trong vùng đó như thế nào?
Họ thậm chí kiểm soát quá trình thực thi chính sách như thế nào?
Tác động của thuộc địa pháp đến toàn bộ quá trình và điều đó đã tăng cường hệ thống bất công như thế nào?
Những mối liên kết gì giữa những nhóm quyền lực và những công ty tư nhân? họ được hưởng lợi như thế nào từ việc tư nhân hoá?
Thuộc địa nội bộ đã ảnh hưởng như thế nào đến cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số? Đưa ra những bằng chứng từ các nghiên cứu điểm cá nhân cụ thể.
Chương 7. Thuộc địa hoá nội bộ dẫn đến quyền lực xã hội bất công bằng và sự nghèo đói
Thuộc địa hoá nội bộ dẫn đến sự nghèo đói và quan hệ quyền lực xã hội bất công trong cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số như thế nào?
Sự khác biệt quyền lực gì giữa ‘chủ đất giàu có’ và ‘người nghèo không có đất’?
Tình hình kinh tế, chính trị, văn hoá của người giàu và người nghèo là như thế nào? Sự khác và giống nhau? người nghèo được xem như thế nào?
Quan hệ quyền lực trong vùng nghiên cứu điểm đóng chức năng như thế nào? Ai là người có quyền lực và ai không có?
Quan hệ quyền lực mang lợi ích cho ai? Trung tâm quyền lực là gì? Phân tích quan hệ quyền lực và tác động của nó đến cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số ở điểm nghiên cứu.
Chương 8. Quyền lực xã hội bất công dẫn đến sự trầm trọng của xung đột và tiến thoái lưỡng nan
Sự nghèo đói và tính dễ bị thương tổn do các mối quan hệ bất công dẫn đến mâu thuẫn ở các điểm nghiên cứu như thế nào?
Những loại và mức độ mâu thuẫn gì tồn tại ở các điểm nghiên cứu và lý do có những tồn tại đó theo quan điểm cấp vĩ mô và cấp vi mô?
Phân tích những mâu thuẫn từ khía cạnh lịch sử, việc phân chia tài nguyên là cơ sở của những mâu thuẫn – phân tích chi tiết những bằng chứng từ các điểm nghiên cứu.
Những kiểu mâu thuẫn tạo ra thế tiến thoái lưỡng nan như thế nào trong các cộng đồng dân tộc thiếu số và dẫn đến tình trạng nghèo đói và dễ bị tổn thương?
Những xung đột gây ra sự bất an và sự đàn áp như thế nào?
Những lựa chọn khác nhau gì cho các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số? Liệu họ có sẵn sàng chấp nhận những điều đó không? Họ có khả năng để khám phá những lựa chọn đó như thế nào?
Chương 10. Xung đột và thế tiến thoái lưỡng nan dẫn đến những thay đổi trong quan hệ xã hội
Những mâu thuẫn về tài nguyên đất, ngôn ngữ và tôn giáo do những điều kiện không thể chịu đựng nổi tăng như thế nào? Mô tả và phân tích những mâu thuẫn đất đai, ngôn ngữ và tôn giáo với những ví dụ từ điểm nghiên cứu.
Nguồn gốc của thay đổi xã hội, tại sao phát sinh ra điều đó và nó đã diễn ra như thế nào? Những khía cạnh thay đổi khác nhau nào đã diễn ra?
Những nhu cầu và mong muốn của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số đã thể hiện trong quá trình thay đổi xã hội là gì?
Hậu quả của thay đổi xã hội là gì? Phân tích từ nhận thức của các đối tượng khác nhau liên quan đến những thay đổi xã hội, đặc biệt là ở điểm nghiên cứu
Từ trước đến nay, người ngoài xem những thay đổi xã hội như thế nào? Thu thập bằng chứng và phân tích
Điều kiện kinh tế chính trị hiện tại của cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số là gì và điểu kiện sinh thái ở điểm nghiên cứu như thế nào và dự đoán điều kiện tương lai.
Chương 11. Kiến nghị
Những hậu quả mà cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số nói chung ở Tây Nguyên phải đối mặt so với trường hợp nghiên cứu điểm là gì? Sự thay đổi xã hội mang lại những hậu quả gì? Chính phủ nhìn nhận việc thay đổi xã hội như thế nào? Người ngàoi nhìn nhận vấn đề đó như thế nào? Liệu những yêu cầu của người dân tộc thiểu số có được đáp ứng? Họ sẽ vượt qua sự đói nghèo và bảo đảm cuộc sống bền vững như thế nào?
Những yêu cầu hỗ trợ chiến lược là gì ở lĩnh vực kinh tế, chính trị và xã hội – chính sách, quản lý, hỗ trợ, quy hoạch, thực hiện?
Chính phủ địa phương, trung ương, NGOs, giới hàn lâm và người dân tộc thiểu số ở điểm nghiên cứu nói riêng và Tây Nguyên nói chung đã thể hiện sự nhìn nhận như thế nào thông qua kế hoạch hành động ngắn hạn, trung hạn và chiến lược dài hạn trong các lĩnh vực:
- Bảo tồn bản sắc và giá trị của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số
- Duy trì các thể chế và cấu trúc truyền thống của cộng đồng
- Công nhận đất tổ tiên của họ như những quyền cơ bản và sinh tồn
- Cải thiện công bằng xã hội và chân giá trị cho các cộng đồng thiểu số ở Tây Nguyên
- Tôn trọng sự tham gia, ý kiến và sự lựa chọn của họ.
Phân tích Chính sách Đất đai và Xoá đói Giảm Nghèo - LUPAPA
Nghiên cứu điểm Phụ nữ người Dao và Vườn Quốc Gia Ba Vì, Việt Nam
(Bản thảo tháng 3 năm 2003)
1. Bối cảnh và Xuất xứ
Cơ chế quản lý đất đai ở Việt Nam trãi qua nhiều thay đổi trong thế kỷ qua. Trước năm 1954, chế độ phong kiến kiểm soát toàn bộ tài nguyên đất đai. Từ khi nhà nước cộng hoà xã hội chủ nghĩa Việt Nam được hình thành, chính phủ đã thực hiện một cuộc cách mạng về đất đai. Nhiều chủ đất phải chia đất cho người nghèo và vì vậy, phong trào nông dân bắt đầu.
Năm 1959, chính phủ Việt Nam đưa hệ thống hợp tác xã nông nghiệp vào thực thi. Với nhận thức bảo tồn môi trường về cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số (IEMC), người Dao Ba Vì đã bị đưa xuống núi (từ độ cao 1000m xuống 250m so với mặt biển) và họ chỉ được phép hoạt động trong phạm vi 1000ha đất lâm nghiệp và 8 ha đất nông nghiệp ở vùng núi Ba Vì, huyện Ba Bì, ở vùng núi phía Bắc.
Nhận thức bảo bồn môi trường tăng và do áp lực quốc tế, năm 1990, nhà nước đã công bố vùng núi Ba Vì là vườn quốc gia phục vụ cho mục đích bảo tồn và du lịch. Khoảng 427 ha đất mà IEMC đang sử dụng bị chiếm đoạt (300 ha trở thành vườn quốc gia và 127 ha trở thành vùng du lịch). Điều này có nghĩa rằng khoảng 167 hộ gia đình bị cướp mất nguồn sinh sống bởi mục đích bảo tồn sinh thái và du lịch của chính phủ.
Điều này được làm mà không có sự tôn trọng và sự tham gia của địa phương trong quá trình quy hoạch và ra quyết định. Thiếu đi sự nhận biết về quyền bản địa, mối quan hệ gắn bó của người dân địa phương với tài nguyên đất. Chính vì vậy, quyền bản địa truyền thống của cộng đồng bản địa bị làm ngơ và tước đoạt, đặc biệt là người Dao đã sống hàng thế hệ ở trong khu vực được công bố là vườn quốc gia.
Chính sách bảo tồn đã phủ nhận quyền tiếp cận tài nguyên của cộng đồng bản địa, đe doạ đến sự sinh tồn của họ do họ đối mặt với tình trạng thiếu lương thực, nhiên liệu.v.v. và vì vậy gây ra nguy cơ về sức khoẻ, căng thẳng, vô vọng, nghèo đói và dễ bị tổn thương, trẻ em, đặc biệt là các bé gái không được đến trường. Tất cả những điều đó dẫn đến nguy cơ bẻ gãy cuộc sống gia đình, văn hoá và giá trị, thể chế và xã hội truyền thống (liên gia đình, liên cộng đồng, liên thế hệ, hệ thống cộng đồng). Sự mai một hệ thống kiến thức bản địa đặc biệt là kiến thức chữa bệnh bằng thuốc nam truyền thống.
Những thay đổi trên gây ra nhiều vấn đề cho các bà mẹ trước khi sinh, tạo ra tình trạng bất ổn cho các em bé mới sinh ra và dẫn đến tính dễ bị tổn thương. Cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số trở nên mất tự tin và cảm thấy bị cô lập, họ thậm chí có thể bị mất đi cơ chế tự bảo vệ. Họ trở thành những người làm công lao động rẻ mạt cho những người Kinh giàu có. Ngoài ra, nếu mức lương thấp, họ vay tiền để nuôi gia đình tồn tại và không đủ khả năng để hoàn trả; từ đó họ bị rơi vào cảnh nợ nần bần cùng, khủng hoảng và xung đột.
Mặt khác, chính phủ đang hỗ trợ du lịch và cho phép các công ty tư nhân vào và chiếm giữ những vùng phong cảnh đẹp, thuộc quyền truyền thống của cộng đồng. Điều này đã dẫn đến xung đột giữa công ty du lịch và người dân địa phương. Cuộc sống sinh nhai và hệ kiến thức bản địa, đặc biệt là kiến thức về thuốc nam bị đánh mất bởi các công ty du lịch. Xung đột giữa thế hệ trẻ dân tộc thiểu số và các công ty liên tục diễn ra trong vùng.
Hơn nữa, toàn bộ quá trình dẫn đến xung đột trong chính cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số bởi vì chỉ có những thanh niên nam nữ xinh đẹp mới có cơ hội làm việc ở công ty du lịch để tăng thu nhập, còn những người khác thì bị từ chối. Tình trạng mại dâm cũng tăng lên. Tệ nạn HIV/AIDs đã xuất hiện, thể hệ trẻ người Dao trở thành những nạn nhân của tệ nạn HIV/AIDs thể kỷ. Trước khi ngành du lịch xuất hiện, tầng lớp trẻ người Dao lao động chăm chỉ, học hỏi những kiến thức kỹ năng sản xuất từ bố mẹ họ nhưng hiện nay nhiều trong số họ đã từ chối học và cho rằng những kiến thức đó là lạc hậu.
Trong bối cảnh đó, một nghiên cứu sâu để tìm ra những giải pháp, hỗ trợ đàm phán giải quyết xung đột, đảm bảo cuộc sống sinh nhai của người dân địa phương một cách bền vững và đáp ứng mục tiêu bảo tồn. Vì vậy, nghiên cứu này sử dụng phương pháp nghiên cứu hành động.
Vấn đề được tìm hiểu từ những bối cảnh khác nhau như:
Ảnh hưởng của chính sách ‘tự do mới- neoliberalization - ở cấp quốc gia và toàn cầu.
Chính phủ là một đối tác
Phân quyền và quá trình tham gia là một yếu tố mang lại sự công bằng và bền vững.
Ngoài ra, một số câu hỏi cơ bản hco nghiên cứu hành động được đưa ra (xem mục 3).
2. Các mục tiêu
Nghiên cứu sẽ tạo điều kiện hiểu biết sâu sắc hơn về sự phức tạp của mối quan hệ phụ thuộc của cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số với các tài nguyên trong vườn quốc gia và những mối quan tâm của họ.
Nghiên cứu giúp tìm ra những lựa chọn giải pháp thông qua phương pháp có sự tham gia giữa các đối tác (cộng đồng đồng dân tộc thiểu số, giới hàn lâm, NGOs, các tổ chức nhà nước, nhà tài trợ, và các đối tác khác).
Nghiên cứu sẽ tạo cơ hội chia sẻ và trao đổi tình trạng liên quan đến quyền phụ nữ bản địa, quyền tiếp cận tài nguyên của họ và cuộc sống sinh nhai của họ cùng với những thực tế truyền thống.
3. Các câu hỏi nghiên cứu
Những điều kiện và chiến lược mưu sinh của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số trước năm 1990?
Tất cả các hộ gia đình đều bị tác động như nhau?
Xu thế thị trường và sự tiếp cận thị trường của IEMC[1], trước đây như thế nào? Bây giờ như thế nào? Và tương lai có thể như thế nào? Những cơ hội có sẵn hiện nay là gì?
Thay đổi trong quan hệ giới và vị thế của người phụ nữ - trước đây như thế nào? Bây giờ như thế nào? Trong tương lai có thể sẽ như thế nào? sự tập trung đặc biệt vào chiến lược mưu sinh, quan hệ xã hội và quyền lực của người phụ nữ. Những mối quan hệ giới và sự phân công lao động trong chiến lược mưu sinh (sản xuất nông nghiệp, thổ cẩm, thuốc nam, thị trường.v.v.) ảnh hưởng như thế nào đến điều kiện sinh sống của người Dao?
Những xung đột giữa bảo tồn, du lịch với người dân địa phương. Làm thế nào để cân bằng giữa nhu cầu, mối quan tâm của những đối tác khác nhau – IEMC, nhà nước, lĩnh vực tư nhân, v.v.?
Những giải pháp khác nhau là gì có sẵn trong khung chính sách và quản lý? Những cưỡng ép chính sách và những sự thay đổi bắt buộc – chính sách bảo tồn, chính sách du lịch, chính sách giáo dục, chính sách phát triển, chính sách giới, chính sách nông nghiệp.v.v
Có thể sử dụng nghiên cứu đa ngành cho việc vận động chính sách đa cấp như thế nào?
Những chỉ số ảnh hưởng rộng
Sinh kế và điều kiện sống: đất, quyền tiếp cận sản phẩm rừng, tham gia vào sản xuất, tiếp cận thị trường.v.v
Văn hoá, phong tục và thể chế truyền thống
Việc làm và nghề nghiệp
Quan hệ giới và quan hệ xã hội: nam và nữ, trẻ và già, liên gia đình, liên cộng đồng
Sức khoẻ: Con người và động vật
Môi trường: Da đạng sinh học – cây, động vật hoang dã, động vật nước - bảo tồn, ô nhiễm - đất, nước, không khí - quản lý
Sự tham gia vào quá trình ra quyết định - địa phương, quốc gia, toàn cầu
Những đối tác có tiềm năng ở nhiều cấp: từ vi mô đế vĩ mô
Địa phương: hộ gia đình (vợ, chồng, trẻ, già, chưa kết hôn, li dị, goá vợ, goá chồng)
Xã: Các tổ chức cộng đồng, chính quyền địa phương, công ty tư nhân
Huyện: chính quyền huyện, NGÓ, các công ty tư nhân, mạng lưới các tổ chức cộng đồng.
Tỉnh: Chính phủ, mạng lưới NGOs, mạng lưới các tổ chức cộng đồng, Các viện nghiên cứu.
Trung ương: Chính phủ, mạng lưới NGOs, mạng lưới các tổ chức cộng đồng, mạng lưới các viện nghiên cứu
Quốc tế: các nhà tài trợ, các tổ chức liên chính phủ như UNO, UNDP.v.v.
Phương pháp luận
Giai đoạn 1
Tiền trạm khu vực và các đơn vị liên quan đến việc xác định đối tác.
Phỏng vấn cá nhân, hộ gia đình và nhóm - lựa chọn có mục đích – thu thập các thông tin định tính
Thu thập các thông tin định lượng
Thu thập tài liệu và tham khảo tài liệu
Chuẩn bị báo cáo nghiên cứu nháp.
Giai đoạn 2
Quá trình tư vấn các đối tác và phân tích thông qua PRA và những phương pháp khác.
Mở ra các chiến lược quản lý thông qua quá trình có sự tham gia
Chia sẻ những đầu ra với các đối tác khác nhau
Hoàn chỉnh bản nháp
Giai đoạn 3
Lập kế hoạch thực hiện
Nâng cao năng lực cho các đối tác
Phát huy và tăng cường các thể chế phù hợp
Hành động và phản hồi - điều tiết quá trình học hỏi, hoàn thiện kế hoạch và triển khai hoạt động
Sử dụng các đầu ra nghiên cứu để vận động chính sách ở các cấp
Đầu ra
Những đầu ra ngắn hạn
Phân tích chính sách và chiến lược bảo tồn của người dân như một công cụ tác động chính sách nhà nước.
Những chiến lược và kế hoạch có sự tham gia được xây dựng và chia sẻ giữa các đối tác.
Tài liệu nghiên cứu sử dụng cho mục tiêu vận động chính sách
Những đầu ra trung hạn
Chiến lược phát triển, bảo tồn bền vững, hiệu quả được đưa vào thực thi
Những bài học thu được từ các vùng và ở những nước CHESH/TEW làm việc được đưa vào mạng lưới hợp tác.
Những đầu ra dài hạn
Tạo quyền cho các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số, đặc biệt là phụ nữ
Quyền sở hữu tài nguyên, bảo tồn và quản lý được thực hiện theo một phương pháp bền vững.
Vị trí địa lý
Nghiên cứu này được thực hiện đầu tiên ở khu vực vườn quốc gia Ba Vì nơi người Dao đang sinh sống. Sau đó sẽ mở rộng ra ở những vùng khác (với những đề cương nghiên cứu so sánh riêng), chẳng hạn:
Miền trung Việt Nam: Khu bảo tồn Vũ Quang, nơi cộng đồng dân tộc Lào sinh sống.
Tây Nguyên: Vườn quốc gia Dốc Đôn, với 8 nhóm dân tộc: êđê, giarai, bana, mơnông, lào, khơ me, dao, thái
một vườn quốc gia và khu bảo tồn hổ ở Ấn độ: nhiều cộng đồng bản đại ở Tây Ghát của Karnataka, Ấn độ.
9. Khung thời gian
Nghiên cứu Ba Vì đầu tiên sẽ diễn ra khoảng 8-12 tháng để hoàn thành giai đoạn 1 và 2. Giai đoạn 3 sẽ diễn ra lâu hơn, 3-5 năm. Dựa vào sự tiến triển ở Ba Vì, những kinh nghiệm và bài học có thể áp dụng đến những vùng khác như đã đề cập ở trên.
[1] IEMC: cộng đồng các dân tộc thiểu số
Wednesday, November 12, 2008
Hiểu về Phong trào Xã hội
Hiểu Về Phong trào Xã hội:
Bản chất và Hiện tượng - Nguyên nhân và Hậu quả
Tổng quan:
Phong trào xã hội của cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số ở Tây Nguyên được nhìn nhận với nhiều quan điểm khác nhau; đặc biệt những nhà lập định chính sách, xã hội phương tây, và xã hội dân sự ở Việt Nam có những cách nhìn khác nhau về phong trào xã hội. Một vài quan điểm cho rằng lý do tôn giáo và văn hoá đóng vai trò quan trọng trong bảo tồn văn hoá của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số. Một số quan điểm khác lại cho rằng đó chỉ là một hành động kháng cự chống lại chế độ độc tài cộng sản nhằm hướng đến một sự tự chủ cấp địa phương. Một vài quan điểm lại cho rằng đó là một hành động nhằm tuyên truyền chuyển đạo của một thế lực chống cộng hoặc trường phái tư bản. Một số quan điểm khác cho rằng đó là vấn đề liên quan đến quyền sử dụng đất đai và tài nguyên, an ninh xã hội và kế sinh nhai bền vững của người dân.
Những quan điểm khác nhau đó đều xuất phát từ những người bên ngoài, họ không thể hiểu được đầy đủ thực tế địa phương trong khung thời gian cụ thể. Sự thiếu hiểu biết này đã dẫn đến nhận định của một học giả về nhân quyền: “Nhóm dân tộc đa số người Kinh và các nhóm dân tộc thiểu số sống như hai con chó đang cắn nhau”.
Trong bối cảnh này, kinh nghiệm làm việc của trung tâm Nghiên cứu và Phát triển Năng lực Phụ nữ Dân tộc (TEW) với các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số ở Tây Nguyên từ đầu những năm 1990 giúp có một phân tích khách quan và mang tính chiều sâu.
2. Vấn đề nghiên cứu
Mốc lịch sử quan trọng của cả đất nước nói chung và Tây Nguyên nói riêng chính là chiến thắng đế quốc Mỹ xâm lược. Tiếp đó là một quá trình xây dựng đất nước bắt đầu bởi quá trình nhà nước hoá với những phát minh mới trong quy hoạch, phát triển, bảo tồn và quản lý nguồn tài nguyên thiên nhiên và cuộc sống sinh nhai của người dân.
Lẽ ra kết quả của quá trình nhà nước hoá đạt được hiệu quả hơn nếu người dân, đặc biệt là các nhóm dân tộc thiểu số được tạo nhiều cơ hội hơn để tham gia vào quá trình đó. Thực tế, nhà nước Việt Nam do nhóm người Kinh miền Bắc chiếm đa số giữ những vị trí lãnh đạo quan trọng trong công cuộc xây dựng miền Nam, đặc biệt là Tây Nguyên. Kết quả, nhiều người Kinh chuyển từ miền Bắc vào miền Nam và nắm giữ những chức vụ quan trọng ở cấp tỉnh, huyện và xã, và cả những vị trí lập định chính sách, cơ quan hành pháp và lập pháp.
Điều này tạo ra một sự đoàn kết cục bộ, và những mối quan tâm cá nhân và cộng đồng cục bộ. Các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số với nền văn hoá gắn liền với thiên nhiên, và tinh thần hợp tác của hệ thống xã hội, luôn tôn trọng, yêu thương cộng đồng người Kinh đến từ miền Bắc. Ban đầu họ đón tiếp thân thiện những người dân từ miền Bắc, chấp nhận vai trò lãnh đạo của người miền Bắc và tin tưởng tuyệt đối rằng họ sẽ được giúp đỡ thoát khỏi cảnh nghèo khó và hướng đến một cuộc sống bền vững. Họ tin rằng khi họ đã chiến thắng giặc Mỹ, với sự lãnh đạo của người Kinh, họ cũng sẽ chiến thằng giặc nghèo, giặc đói.
Trong khi đó, những người lãnh đạo mới không hiểu hoặc không quan tâm đến điều đó, họ chỉ biết vơ vét tài nguyên địa phương phục vụ cho “người của họ”. Sau 28 năm, không có sự thay đổi nào về tiêu chuẩn và điều kiện sống của cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số. Hơn thế nữa, người Kinh đã thuộc địa hoá họ thông qua khai thác tài nguyên địa phương và tích luỹ của cải. Trong quá trình này, người Kinh đã khai thác sức lao động rẻ mạt của người dân tộc thiểu số. Nhưng chính phủ trung ương không thấy hoặc không thể hiểu được hệ thống bất công này đang hoạt động ở Tây Nguyên.
Nhà nước Việt Nam triển khai hệ thống sản xuất hợp tác xã vì mục tiêu sản xuất thương mại và người Kinh chiếm vị trí điều khiển các hợp tác xã. Người dân các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số trở thành những người thấp cổ bé họng và không thu được lợi ích gì trong hợp tác xã. Hơn thể nữa, họ còn chịu đựng như những người nô lệ hoặc là những người làm thuê với giá tiền công rẻ mạt.
Một vài già làng của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số nhận thấy được sự nguy hiểm của “tập đoàn” hợp tác xã đang di chuyển dần đến một hệ thống bất công, và vì vậy, họ đã không tiếp nhận, thậm chí chống đối hệ thống này. Tuy nhiên, hệ thống hợp tác xã là một chương trình áp đặt từ những chế độ cộng sản độc tài buộc các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số phải trở thành một phần của các hợp tác xã. Họ cảm thấy rằng nếu họ không tham gia vào quá trình đó, họ sẽ bị cách li và bị xem như là những đối tượng phản quốc.
Dù triết lý của hệ thống hợp tác xã tốt và được mong chờ mang đến một hiệu quả tốt hơn cho các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số và công cuộc giảm nghèo, nhưng vì bản chất của các mục tiêu, sự tập trung của các hợp tác xã và việc người Kinh chiếm giữ vị trí quản lý đã không mang lại kết quả tích cực nào cho người dân tộc thiểu số. Sau 10-15 năm tham gia hợp tác xã, các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số đã bắt đầu mất dần niềm tin, hy vọng vào hệ thống nhà nước. Họ cảm thấy rằng cuộc sống của họ đã không được cải thiện, mà họ phải chịu đựng nhiều vấn đề, đe doạ tự sinh tồn của cộng đồng họ.
Tất cả những điều đó đã tạo ra một khoảng cách giàu nghèo giữa người dân tộc thiểu số và người Kinh. Ngoài ra, nó còn gây ra sự suy thoái về tài nguyên, nạn phá rừng, xói mòn đất, cạn kiệt nguồn nước và ô nhiễm môi trường.
Năm 1999, chính phủ đã nhận ra điều này, và vì vậy, chính sách ‘bảo tồn’ cùng với các chương trình ‘xoá đói giảm nghèo’ đã được ban hành và triển khai. Trong chính sách bảo tồn, sự đa dạng sinh học được chú trọng và tất cả đất đai thuộc phạm vi sử dụng truyền thống của người dân thiểu số địa phương đều được khoanh vùng, lập bản đồ và họ bị buộc phải rời khỏi các khu bảo tồn. Nhà nước có những khoản ngân sách xoá đói giảm nghèo sử dụng cho mục đích định canh định cư các nhóm dân tộc thiểu số bị mất quyền sử dụng đất truyền thống.
Điều này đã mở ra cơ hội trao quyền cho địa phương thực hiện các chương trình. Chủ nghĩa gia đình trị, và tham nhũng tăng lên nhiều. Cuộc sống của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số bị đe doạ và trở nên tồi tệ hơn do mất đất sản xuất. Nhiều người trong số họ bị đẩy vào tình huống trắng tay, làm công cho người Kinh, nợ nần chồng chất vì tiền công không đủ chi tiêu và không thể hoàn trả.
Vào cuối những năm 1990, chính phủ Việt Nam đã áp dụng nền kinh tế thị trường thông qua tư nhân hoá đất đai và tài nguyên nhằm sản xuất cây hàng hoá (ví dụ: cà phê, cao su, tiêu.v.v), doanh nghiệp hoá và du lịch. Xuất khẩu là động lực chính đằng sau chiến lược tư nhân hoá để thu ngoại tệ cho ngân sách nhà nước. Những công ty tư nhân giống như những địa chủ kiểm soát toàn bộ tài nguyên thiên nhiên ở Tây Nguyên bao gồm hệ thống xã hội của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số.
Các công ty tư nhân nắm giữ đất đai của người dân tộc thiểu số đã tham gia vào các hợp tác xã thông qua việc đảm bảo quyền sở hữu đất đai của các hợp tác xã bị sụp đổ từ nhà nước. Điều này có nghĩa rằng quyền đất đai giao cho các công ty tư nhân có thể được thế chấp, mua hoặc bán. Sở hữu tập thể chuyển thành sở hữu tư nhân dưới hình thức các doanh nghiệp hoặc liên doanh với các công ty nước ngoài.
Người dân tộc thiểu số trở thành nô lệ hoặc là những người lao động ăn lương trong ‘thiên đàng’ của các công ty tư nhân. Sự phụ thuộc của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số ở các nước độc lập tăng lên vì lý do này. Điều này gây ra tính dễ bị tổn thương hơn về mặt xã hội và kinh tế cho các cộng đồng thiểu số. Hơn nữa, du lịch đã tạo ra những tệ nạn như mại dâm, và căn bệnh thế kỷ HIV/AIDs. Nam và nữ thanh niên dân tộc thiểu số trở thành những ‘nạn nhân’ vì những tệ nạn chết người này. Ngoài ra, cơ chế tư nhân hoá đất đai cũng dẫn đến quyền lực và quan hệ xã hội các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số bị kiểm soát.
Các nguyên nhân và tình thế tiến thoái lưỡng nan giữa sự lạc hậu và một nền kinh tế xã hội dễ bị thương tổn của các nhóm dân tộc thiểu số tạo ra những phong trào xã hội được tóm tắt như sau:
3. Các nguyên nhân
Tự cung tự cấp và sự giàu có – các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số và người Kinh
Các giá trị văn hoá khác nhau- các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số và người Kinh
Các mối quan tâm, nhu cầu và sở thích cá nhân và các mối quan tâm, sở thích và nhu cầu cộng đồng giữa người thiểu số và người Kinh.
Thiếu kế hoạch chiến lược và quản lý của nhà nước.
Thiếu vai trò rõ ràng giữa các nhà lãnh đạo - kiểm soát và hỗ trợ
Thiếu sự ham học hỏi từ văn hoá và thực tế địa phương
Thiếu vai trò lãnh đạo của người dân thiểu số
Thiếu các phương án lựa chọn và sự tham gia của người dân
Năng lực quản lý chính quyền cấp địa phương yếu
Thiếu sự sẵn sàng để thay đổi
Thiếu sự lồng ghép giữa các thể chế bản địa vào trong hệ thống chính thống
Quá trình thực thi áp đặt từ trên xuống
Cơ chế quản lý tập trung hoá
Thiếu sự minh bạch và trách nhiệm
Thiếu hiểu biết và nhận thức về chính sách trong các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số.
Sau nhiều năm khó nhọc và tổn thương đã tạo ra phong trào xã hội trong thế hệ trẻ dân tộc thiểu số Tây Nguyên. Sự kiện đầu tiên diễn ra vào tháng 2 năm 2001 ở tỉnh Đaklak và Giarai. Ngày càng có nhiều người dân tộc thiểu số tham gia vào phong trào ở cấp cơ sở và ngày càng có nhiều sinh viên tham gia vào đã tạo ra một phong trào xã hội với sự tham gia của hàng nghìn người.
Tây Nguyên gồm 04 tỉnh, phong trào khắp nơi trở nên quan trọng. Vì chính phủ đe doạ người dân tham gia vào phong trào bằng các vũ lực, người dân đã hoạt động trong im lặng theo những nhóm nhỏ để mở rộng phạm vi tự do và yêu cầu 3 điều dưới đây:
Tách quốc gia Đề Ga cho người dân tộc thiểu số
Trả lại đất cho dân
Buộc người Kinh đi khỏi Tây Nguyên.
Bản chất của phong trào xã hội ở Tây Nguyên là nhằm đảm bảo cuộc sống cơ bản của con người, có quyền sở hữu đất đai và tài nguyên truyền thống của họ để quản lý cuộc sống sinh nhai một cách công bằng và bền vững và duy trì được bản sắc văn hoá truyền thống. Phong trào chỉ là hiện tượng phản ánh sự chịu đựng và yêu cầu quyền cho cuộc sống, quyền đối với đất đai và tài nguyên. Nguyên nhân dẫn đến phong trào là phức tạp nhưng hậu quả thì không đoán trước được.
4. Các bài học kinh nghiệm
Trước hết, các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số đang chịu đựng nạn thiếu, đói, và nghèo
Các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số đang mất nguồn sống, kỹ năng và kiến thức truyền thống và cả những giá trị văn hoá.
Các vấn đề kinh tế, xã hội và y tế gia tăng nhanh chóng
Tồn tại những xung đột về quyền tiếp cận và sở hữu tài nguyên giữa các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số với người Kinh.
Từ trước đến nay không có hệ thống nào làm việc đại diện cho các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số vì vậy, họ mất tự tin vào nhà nước Xã hội chủ nghĩa Việt Nam có thể đáp ứng được những nhu cầu và mối quan tâm của họ
Chính phủ trung ương chưa nhận ra được bản chất, hiện tượng, nguyên nhân và hậu quả của phong trào xã hội.
Tồn tại sự xáo trộn và không yên ổn trong xã hội các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số, điều này có thể gây ra một kết quả tiêu cực nếu cứ tiếp tục diễn ra.
Hậu quả kết thúc có thể là xung đột, nội chiến và chém giết nhau.
Người ngoài có thể lợi dụng để can thiệp vào hệ thống quản lý của đất nước
Phong trào có thể lan rộng ra cả nước và hệ thống nhà nước có thể bị sụp đổ.
5. Những kiến nghị
5.1. Thực hiện nghiên cứu sâu hơn các vấn đề của phong trào xã hội:
Đất đai thuộc vào thiên nhiên, nơi các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số có quyền truyền thống để tiếp cận và sử dụng đã bị chuyển sang sở hữu hợp tác xã dưới chủ trương của nhà nước, và sau đó thì dần chuyển sang sở hữu tư nhân. Tại sao sự thay đổi này xảy ra và điều đó đã diễn ra như thế nào? Dù khái niệm và nguyên tắc của hợp tác xã là ‘tốt’ và mang tính chất ‘có sự tham gia, nhưng tại sao nó vẫn bị sụp đổ? Có phải đó là do những lý do nội tại hay là những áp lực bên ngoài, đặc biệt là sự ảnh hưởng của chính sách giải phóng mới? Sự ứng dụng chính sách trong vấn đề này là gì? Quyền lực đã được sử dụng trong toàn bộ quá trình này như thế nào? Các nhân tố liên kết gì ở cấp vĩ mô-vi mô đã kìm hãm sự phát triển địa phương?
5.2. Nghiên cứu sâu quá trình bảo tồn và phát triển: phát thảo những thay đổi trong các cơ chế quản lý đất đai, các hình thức sở hữu tài nguyên và đất đai, và những thay đổi trong chiến lược bảo tồn - từ người bản địa kiểm soát, đến nhà nước kiểm soát đến các công ty tư nhân kiểm soát. Sự bảo tồn ban đầu thực hiện bởi nhà nước là như thế nào? Có ảnh hưởng gì đến các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số? Chính sách định canh và định cư và quá trình thực thi trong thực tế như thế nào? (quá trình viết tài liệu những chiến lược bảo tồn bản địa truyền thống, hệ thống luật không chính thức đang diễn ra).
5.3. Các chiến lược phát triển thúc đẩy phong trào xã hội: Người dân tộc thiểu số bị mất đất, nghèo trong quá trình thay đổi. Vì vậy, phong trào xã hội nhằm đòi lại quyền sở hữu đất truyền thống của họ. Trong khi đó, nhà nước đang thúc đẩy quá trình tư nhân hoá đất đai dưới khái niệm kinh tế thị trường. Trong bối cảnh này, những lựa chọn có sẵn là gì? Các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số có lấy lại đất được không? Chính phủ có cởi mở để học hỏi từ những phong trào xã hội và thay đổi chính sách? Nếu không, tương lai của phong trào xã hội sẽ là gì? Có những lựa chọn nào khác không? Có thể học kinh nghiệm gì từ những nước khác? Quần chúng nhìn nhận những ‘giá trị’ đằng sau phong trào xã hội như thế nào? Các thế lực bên ngoài theo đuổi như thế nào? Những hệ thống sẵn có bên trong và bên ngoài gì để tăng cường phong trào xã hội? Các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số có thể ảnh hưởng đến quyết định của chính phủ? Một cuộc sống bền vững cho các cộng đồng thiểu số được bảo đảm như thế nào trong khung thể chế của bảo tồn và phát triển?
5.4. Phân tích các đối tác: Những điểm mạnh và điểm yếu, cơ hội và nguy cơ của phong trào xã hội. Phong trào xã hội là sự tập trung hoặc tổ chức quyền lực để giành lại quyền đất đai truyền thống và cuộc sống bền vững. Nếu nhà nước không đủ nhạy cảm để hiểu và hài hoà nó trong quản lý và thay đổi, hậu quả của phong trào xã hội sẽ là gì? cần khám phá và phân tích chiều sâu với những đối tác khác nhau.
5.5. Vận hành các chiến lược phát triển đầy đủ:
a. Nâng cao năng lực của các phong trào xã hội
b. Tổ chức học hỏi và chia sẻ với các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số
c. Vận động chính sách ở các cấp khác nhau
d. Liên kết mạng lưới với các đối tác
5.6. Thay đổi chính sách ở mức độ tốt nhất trong các lĩnh vực:
a. Quyền đất đai truyền thống của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số và quyền sở hữu đất đai
b. Sinh kế bền vững của các cộng đồng thiểu số
c. Quản lý tài nguyên thiên nhiên bền vững bởi các nhóm dân tộc thiểu số
d. Các chính sách cần cho sự thay đổi
e. Những thay đổi cần thiết trong các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số để đạt được sự phát triển và quản lý bền vững.
Bản chất và Hiện tượng - Nguyên nhân và Hậu quả
Tổng quan:
Phong trào xã hội của cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số ở Tây Nguyên được nhìn nhận với nhiều quan điểm khác nhau; đặc biệt những nhà lập định chính sách, xã hội phương tây, và xã hội dân sự ở Việt Nam có những cách nhìn khác nhau về phong trào xã hội. Một vài quan điểm cho rằng lý do tôn giáo và văn hoá đóng vai trò quan trọng trong bảo tồn văn hoá của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số. Một số quan điểm khác lại cho rằng đó chỉ là một hành động kháng cự chống lại chế độ độc tài cộng sản nhằm hướng đến một sự tự chủ cấp địa phương. Một vài quan điểm lại cho rằng đó là một hành động nhằm tuyên truyền chuyển đạo của một thế lực chống cộng hoặc trường phái tư bản. Một số quan điểm khác cho rằng đó là vấn đề liên quan đến quyền sử dụng đất đai và tài nguyên, an ninh xã hội và kế sinh nhai bền vững của người dân.
Những quan điểm khác nhau đó đều xuất phát từ những người bên ngoài, họ không thể hiểu được đầy đủ thực tế địa phương trong khung thời gian cụ thể. Sự thiếu hiểu biết này đã dẫn đến nhận định của một học giả về nhân quyền: “Nhóm dân tộc đa số người Kinh và các nhóm dân tộc thiểu số sống như hai con chó đang cắn nhau”.
Trong bối cảnh này, kinh nghiệm làm việc của trung tâm Nghiên cứu và Phát triển Năng lực Phụ nữ Dân tộc (TEW) với các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số ở Tây Nguyên từ đầu những năm 1990 giúp có một phân tích khách quan và mang tính chiều sâu.
2. Vấn đề nghiên cứu
Mốc lịch sử quan trọng của cả đất nước nói chung và Tây Nguyên nói riêng chính là chiến thắng đế quốc Mỹ xâm lược. Tiếp đó là một quá trình xây dựng đất nước bắt đầu bởi quá trình nhà nước hoá với những phát minh mới trong quy hoạch, phát triển, bảo tồn và quản lý nguồn tài nguyên thiên nhiên và cuộc sống sinh nhai của người dân.
Lẽ ra kết quả của quá trình nhà nước hoá đạt được hiệu quả hơn nếu người dân, đặc biệt là các nhóm dân tộc thiểu số được tạo nhiều cơ hội hơn để tham gia vào quá trình đó. Thực tế, nhà nước Việt Nam do nhóm người Kinh miền Bắc chiếm đa số giữ những vị trí lãnh đạo quan trọng trong công cuộc xây dựng miền Nam, đặc biệt là Tây Nguyên. Kết quả, nhiều người Kinh chuyển từ miền Bắc vào miền Nam và nắm giữ những chức vụ quan trọng ở cấp tỉnh, huyện và xã, và cả những vị trí lập định chính sách, cơ quan hành pháp và lập pháp.
Điều này tạo ra một sự đoàn kết cục bộ, và những mối quan tâm cá nhân và cộng đồng cục bộ. Các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số với nền văn hoá gắn liền với thiên nhiên, và tinh thần hợp tác của hệ thống xã hội, luôn tôn trọng, yêu thương cộng đồng người Kinh đến từ miền Bắc. Ban đầu họ đón tiếp thân thiện những người dân từ miền Bắc, chấp nhận vai trò lãnh đạo của người miền Bắc và tin tưởng tuyệt đối rằng họ sẽ được giúp đỡ thoát khỏi cảnh nghèo khó và hướng đến một cuộc sống bền vững. Họ tin rằng khi họ đã chiến thắng giặc Mỹ, với sự lãnh đạo của người Kinh, họ cũng sẽ chiến thằng giặc nghèo, giặc đói.
Trong khi đó, những người lãnh đạo mới không hiểu hoặc không quan tâm đến điều đó, họ chỉ biết vơ vét tài nguyên địa phương phục vụ cho “người của họ”. Sau 28 năm, không có sự thay đổi nào về tiêu chuẩn và điều kiện sống của cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số. Hơn thế nữa, người Kinh đã thuộc địa hoá họ thông qua khai thác tài nguyên địa phương và tích luỹ của cải. Trong quá trình này, người Kinh đã khai thác sức lao động rẻ mạt của người dân tộc thiểu số. Nhưng chính phủ trung ương không thấy hoặc không thể hiểu được hệ thống bất công này đang hoạt động ở Tây Nguyên.
Nhà nước Việt Nam triển khai hệ thống sản xuất hợp tác xã vì mục tiêu sản xuất thương mại và người Kinh chiếm vị trí điều khiển các hợp tác xã. Người dân các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số trở thành những người thấp cổ bé họng và không thu được lợi ích gì trong hợp tác xã. Hơn thể nữa, họ còn chịu đựng như những người nô lệ hoặc là những người làm thuê với giá tiền công rẻ mạt.
Một vài già làng của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số nhận thấy được sự nguy hiểm của “tập đoàn” hợp tác xã đang di chuyển dần đến một hệ thống bất công, và vì vậy, họ đã không tiếp nhận, thậm chí chống đối hệ thống này. Tuy nhiên, hệ thống hợp tác xã là một chương trình áp đặt từ những chế độ cộng sản độc tài buộc các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số phải trở thành một phần của các hợp tác xã. Họ cảm thấy rằng nếu họ không tham gia vào quá trình đó, họ sẽ bị cách li và bị xem như là những đối tượng phản quốc.
Dù triết lý của hệ thống hợp tác xã tốt và được mong chờ mang đến một hiệu quả tốt hơn cho các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số và công cuộc giảm nghèo, nhưng vì bản chất của các mục tiêu, sự tập trung của các hợp tác xã và việc người Kinh chiếm giữ vị trí quản lý đã không mang lại kết quả tích cực nào cho người dân tộc thiểu số. Sau 10-15 năm tham gia hợp tác xã, các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số đã bắt đầu mất dần niềm tin, hy vọng vào hệ thống nhà nước. Họ cảm thấy rằng cuộc sống của họ đã không được cải thiện, mà họ phải chịu đựng nhiều vấn đề, đe doạ tự sinh tồn của cộng đồng họ.
Tất cả những điều đó đã tạo ra một khoảng cách giàu nghèo giữa người dân tộc thiểu số và người Kinh. Ngoài ra, nó còn gây ra sự suy thoái về tài nguyên, nạn phá rừng, xói mòn đất, cạn kiệt nguồn nước và ô nhiễm môi trường.
Năm 1999, chính phủ đã nhận ra điều này, và vì vậy, chính sách ‘bảo tồn’ cùng với các chương trình ‘xoá đói giảm nghèo’ đã được ban hành và triển khai. Trong chính sách bảo tồn, sự đa dạng sinh học được chú trọng và tất cả đất đai thuộc phạm vi sử dụng truyền thống của người dân thiểu số địa phương đều được khoanh vùng, lập bản đồ và họ bị buộc phải rời khỏi các khu bảo tồn. Nhà nước có những khoản ngân sách xoá đói giảm nghèo sử dụng cho mục đích định canh định cư các nhóm dân tộc thiểu số bị mất quyền sử dụng đất truyền thống.
Điều này đã mở ra cơ hội trao quyền cho địa phương thực hiện các chương trình. Chủ nghĩa gia đình trị, và tham nhũng tăng lên nhiều. Cuộc sống của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số bị đe doạ và trở nên tồi tệ hơn do mất đất sản xuất. Nhiều người trong số họ bị đẩy vào tình huống trắng tay, làm công cho người Kinh, nợ nần chồng chất vì tiền công không đủ chi tiêu và không thể hoàn trả.
Vào cuối những năm 1990, chính phủ Việt Nam đã áp dụng nền kinh tế thị trường thông qua tư nhân hoá đất đai và tài nguyên nhằm sản xuất cây hàng hoá (ví dụ: cà phê, cao su, tiêu.v.v), doanh nghiệp hoá và du lịch. Xuất khẩu là động lực chính đằng sau chiến lược tư nhân hoá để thu ngoại tệ cho ngân sách nhà nước. Những công ty tư nhân giống như những địa chủ kiểm soát toàn bộ tài nguyên thiên nhiên ở Tây Nguyên bao gồm hệ thống xã hội của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số.
Các công ty tư nhân nắm giữ đất đai của người dân tộc thiểu số đã tham gia vào các hợp tác xã thông qua việc đảm bảo quyền sở hữu đất đai của các hợp tác xã bị sụp đổ từ nhà nước. Điều này có nghĩa rằng quyền đất đai giao cho các công ty tư nhân có thể được thế chấp, mua hoặc bán. Sở hữu tập thể chuyển thành sở hữu tư nhân dưới hình thức các doanh nghiệp hoặc liên doanh với các công ty nước ngoài.
Người dân tộc thiểu số trở thành nô lệ hoặc là những người lao động ăn lương trong ‘thiên đàng’ của các công ty tư nhân. Sự phụ thuộc của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số ở các nước độc lập tăng lên vì lý do này. Điều này gây ra tính dễ bị tổn thương hơn về mặt xã hội và kinh tế cho các cộng đồng thiểu số. Hơn nữa, du lịch đã tạo ra những tệ nạn như mại dâm, và căn bệnh thế kỷ HIV/AIDs. Nam và nữ thanh niên dân tộc thiểu số trở thành những ‘nạn nhân’ vì những tệ nạn chết người này. Ngoài ra, cơ chế tư nhân hoá đất đai cũng dẫn đến quyền lực và quan hệ xã hội các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số bị kiểm soát.
Các nguyên nhân và tình thế tiến thoái lưỡng nan giữa sự lạc hậu và một nền kinh tế xã hội dễ bị thương tổn của các nhóm dân tộc thiểu số tạo ra những phong trào xã hội được tóm tắt như sau:
3. Các nguyên nhân
Tự cung tự cấp và sự giàu có – các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số và người Kinh
Các giá trị văn hoá khác nhau- các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số và người Kinh
Các mối quan tâm, nhu cầu và sở thích cá nhân và các mối quan tâm, sở thích và nhu cầu cộng đồng giữa người thiểu số và người Kinh.
Thiếu kế hoạch chiến lược và quản lý của nhà nước.
Thiếu vai trò rõ ràng giữa các nhà lãnh đạo - kiểm soát và hỗ trợ
Thiếu sự ham học hỏi từ văn hoá và thực tế địa phương
Thiếu vai trò lãnh đạo của người dân thiểu số
Thiếu các phương án lựa chọn và sự tham gia của người dân
Năng lực quản lý chính quyền cấp địa phương yếu
Thiếu sự sẵn sàng để thay đổi
Thiếu sự lồng ghép giữa các thể chế bản địa vào trong hệ thống chính thống
Quá trình thực thi áp đặt từ trên xuống
Cơ chế quản lý tập trung hoá
Thiếu sự minh bạch và trách nhiệm
Thiếu hiểu biết và nhận thức về chính sách trong các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số.
Sau nhiều năm khó nhọc và tổn thương đã tạo ra phong trào xã hội trong thế hệ trẻ dân tộc thiểu số Tây Nguyên. Sự kiện đầu tiên diễn ra vào tháng 2 năm 2001 ở tỉnh Đaklak và Giarai. Ngày càng có nhiều người dân tộc thiểu số tham gia vào phong trào ở cấp cơ sở và ngày càng có nhiều sinh viên tham gia vào đã tạo ra một phong trào xã hội với sự tham gia của hàng nghìn người.
Tây Nguyên gồm 04 tỉnh, phong trào khắp nơi trở nên quan trọng. Vì chính phủ đe doạ người dân tham gia vào phong trào bằng các vũ lực, người dân đã hoạt động trong im lặng theo những nhóm nhỏ để mở rộng phạm vi tự do và yêu cầu 3 điều dưới đây:
Tách quốc gia Đề Ga cho người dân tộc thiểu số
Trả lại đất cho dân
Buộc người Kinh đi khỏi Tây Nguyên.
Bản chất của phong trào xã hội ở Tây Nguyên là nhằm đảm bảo cuộc sống cơ bản của con người, có quyền sở hữu đất đai và tài nguyên truyền thống của họ để quản lý cuộc sống sinh nhai một cách công bằng và bền vững và duy trì được bản sắc văn hoá truyền thống. Phong trào chỉ là hiện tượng phản ánh sự chịu đựng và yêu cầu quyền cho cuộc sống, quyền đối với đất đai và tài nguyên. Nguyên nhân dẫn đến phong trào là phức tạp nhưng hậu quả thì không đoán trước được.
4. Các bài học kinh nghiệm
Trước hết, các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số đang chịu đựng nạn thiếu, đói, và nghèo
Các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số đang mất nguồn sống, kỹ năng và kiến thức truyền thống và cả những giá trị văn hoá.
Các vấn đề kinh tế, xã hội và y tế gia tăng nhanh chóng
Tồn tại những xung đột về quyền tiếp cận và sở hữu tài nguyên giữa các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số với người Kinh.
Từ trước đến nay không có hệ thống nào làm việc đại diện cho các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số vì vậy, họ mất tự tin vào nhà nước Xã hội chủ nghĩa Việt Nam có thể đáp ứng được những nhu cầu và mối quan tâm của họ
Chính phủ trung ương chưa nhận ra được bản chất, hiện tượng, nguyên nhân và hậu quả của phong trào xã hội.
Tồn tại sự xáo trộn và không yên ổn trong xã hội các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số, điều này có thể gây ra một kết quả tiêu cực nếu cứ tiếp tục diễn ra.
Hậu quả kết thúc có thể là xung đột, nội chiến và chém giết nhau.
Người ngoài có thể lợi dụng để can thiệp vào hệ thống quản lý của đất nước
Phong trào có thể lan rộng ra cả nước và hệ thống nhà nước có thể bị sụp đổ.
5. Những kiến nghị
5.1. Thực hiện nghiên cứu sâu hơn các vấn đề của phong trào xã hội:
Đất đai thuộc vào thiên nhiên, nơi các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số có quyền truyền thống để tiếp cận và sử dụng đã bị chuyển sang sở hữu hợp tác xã dưới chủ trương của nhà nước, và sau đó thì dần chuyển sang sở hữu tư nhân. Tại sao sự thay đổi này xảy ra và điều đó đã diễn ra như thế nào? Dù khái niệm và nguyên tắc của hợp tác xã là ‘tốt’ và mang tính chất ‘có sự tham gia, nhưng tại sao nó vẫn bị sụp đổ? Có phải đó là do những lý do nội tại hay là những áp lực bên ngoài, đặc biệt là sự ảnh hưởng của chính sách giải phóng mới? Sự ứng dụng chính sách trong vấn đề này là gì? Quyền lực đã được sử dụng trong toàn bộ quá trình này như thế nào? Các nhân tố liên kết gì ở cấp vĩ mô-vi mô đã kìm hãm sự phát triển địa phương?
5.2. Nghiên cứu sâu quá trình bảo tồn và phát triển: phát thảo những thay đổi trong các cơ chế quản lý đất đai, các hình thức sở hữu tài nguyên và đất đai, và những thay đổi trong chiến lược bảo tồn - từ người bản địa kiểm soát, đến nhà nước kiểm soát đến các công ty tư nhân kiểm soát. Sự bảo tồn ban đầu thực hiện bởi nhà nước là như thế nào? Có ảnh hưởng gì đến các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số? Chính sách định canh và định cư và quá trình thực thi trong thực tế như thế nào? (quá trình viết tài liệu những chiến lược bảo tồn bản địa truyền thống, hệ thống luật không chính thức đang diễn ra).
5.3. Các chiến lược phát triển thúc đẩy phong trào xã hội: Người dân tộc thiểu số bị mất đất, nghèo trong quá trình thay đổi. Vì vậy, phong trào xã hội nhằm đòi lại quyền sở hữu đất truyền thống của họ. Trong khi đó, nhà nước đang thúc đẩy quá trình tư nhân hoá đất đai dưới khái niệm kinh tế thị trường. Trong bối cảnh này, những lựa chọn có sẵn là gì? Các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số có lấy lại đất được không? Chính phủ có cởi mở để học hỏi từ những phong trào xã hội và thay đổi chính sách? Nếu không, tương lai của phong trào xã hội sẽ là gì? Có những lựa chọn nào khác không? Có thể học kinh nghiệm gì từ những nước khác? Quần chúng nhìn nhận những ‘giá trị’ đằng sau phong trào xã hội như thế nào? Các thế lực bên ngoài theo đuổi như thế nào? Những hệ thống sẵn có bên trong và bên ngoài gì để tăng cường phong trào xã hội? Các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số có thể ảnh hưởng đến quyết định của chính phủ? Một cuộc sống bền vững cho các cộng đồng thiểu số được bảo đảm như thế nào trong khung thể chế của bảo tồn và phát triển?
5.4. Phân tích các đối tác: Những điểm mạnh và điểm yếu, cơ hội và nguy cơ của phong trào xã hội. Phong trào xã hội là sự tập trung hoặc tổ chức quyền lực để giành lại quyền đất đai truyền thống và cuộc sống bền vững. Nếu nhà nước không đủ nhạy cảm để hiểu và hài hoà nó trong quản lý và thay đổi, hậu quả của phong trào xã hội sẽ là gì? cần khám phá và phân tích chiều sâu với những đối tác khác nhau.
5.5. Vận hành các chiến lược phát triển đầy đủ:
a. Nâng cao năng lực của các phong trào xã hội
b. Tổ chức học hỏi và chia sẻ với các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số
c. Vận động chính sách ở các cấp khác nhau
d. Liên kết mạng lưới với các đối tác
5.6. Thay đổi chính sách ở mức độ tốt nhất trong các lĩnh vực:
a. Quyền đất đai truyền thống của các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số và quyền sở hữu đất đai
b. Sinh kế bền vững của các cộng đồng thiểu số
c. Quản lý tài nguyên thiên nhiên bền vững bởi các nhóm dân tộc thiểu số
d. Các chính sách cần cho sự thay đổi
e. Những thay đổi cần thiết trong các cộng đồng dân tộc thiểu số để đạt được sự phát triển và quản lý bền vững.
Law on Association's critical proceedings
APPENDIX
ISSUES SURROUNDING THE DRAFT LAW OF ASSOCIATION
(Compendium of discussions organized by the Vietnam Union of Science and Technology Associations, the Vietnam Central Federation of Culture and Arts Associations and the Vietnam Lawyers Association)
DESIGNING A LAW OF ASSOCIATION IN AN ENVIRONMENT OF FREE FORMATION AND SELF-MANAGEMENT FOR ASSOCIATIONS
Associate Professor Dr DINH VAN MAU
National Institute of Administration
The idea of issuing a law of Association has surfaced for a while now, since about the early 90s. At present, this enterprise has been pushed forward by a fundamental step, that is the acquirement of a draft bill forming a base on which the specialists in this field and all those taking an interest in it can discuss and contribute.
1. As one who has done some research on this issue, I would like if I may to present a few things for consideration. First of all, from the early half of the 90s until now, traditional Associations have been reinforced, developed and many new types of Associations have appeared on a national level and even down to local scale. According to statistics from the Ministry of Interior (March 2005) there are for the whole country 301 Associations with a national scale of activity. Among these there are big Federations such as the Vietnam Union of Science and Technology Associations which covers 53 member Associations and the Federation of Culture and Arts Associations covering 10 Specialised Associations and 61/64 Alliances of provincial Literature and Art Associations. At the provincial level, there are 2155 Associations approved for formation by the Provincial People’s Committees, together with a number of Associations at district level. Why is this so? There are many causes, among them the recognition of the market economy lifting the role of “interest/benefit” factors to prominence. Many groups with common interests have appeared and need to be insured, protected by means of an organization with the characteristics of an association.
Secondly, social organizations need to be official (recognized by the State) and unofficial (recognized by the group). Social organization exists in levels of administration of communities of inhabitants (for instance villages) and in organizations, including State departments/agencies. Thus, approval by the State needs to follow the multi-level principle: from Central to provincial, then district.
Thirdly, social organization is very diverse. Perhaps once the benefit of diversity is recognized, the appearance of different associations is compatible with the development of society. Diversity is unpredictable, therefore approval for formation of associations must follow the principle that such freedom can only restrained by laws with clearly defined scopes.
Fourthly, social organizations are born from collective will and its own strength. To form an association in its proper sense is to have the right to assemble its own members, to seek its own funding for expenses on activities, to set up its own mechanism for self-management, and to operate independently according to a mechanism that is beneficial to members. Thus the founders need to think about trajectory. To form an association and to set to work on its realistic survival depends on the will of the interest group; understanding (knowledge) about associations, mobilisation, resources for establishment, maintaining the association and its efficiency, organising operation are what constitute the strength of the interest group.
Fifthly, the Association manages its own affairs and is partly governed by public authorities. To build up and run a law-governed State is to place the individuals and organizations within the framework of the law and law-based management by the State, and to bring the law into effect. At the same time, it needs to be stressed that together with a law-governed State, there must be a truly civil society. The issue is to create a socially effective interaction between State and society in the direction of developmental objectives.
2. Discussions on Associations under the current condition beg the questions as to what is an Association, what is the existing situation with Associations in our country and what is the direction of their development? More important is the need of institutionalisation of Associations.
First of all, it must be affirmed that the basic principle is: The freedom to form, join and withdraw from Associations belongs to all individuals and legitimate organizations in Vietnam. This affirmation stems from the concept of the citizens as different from the subjects (feudal) in that they are free agents (including the case when they sell their labour, where it is done by their free will under contract). Freedom is their intrinsic possession, not god-given or bestowed by someone which they restore in real practice in the political system of democracy. At the same time, citizens (also subjects) possess legal powers called civil rights. Naturally the scope, limitation of the rights depend on the essential character of the political system and the socio-economic conditions. That is the potential capacity for doing anything and for being recognised as legitimate without having to carry out any act. Together with the rights, citizens also have material and non-material interests recognised as legitimate.
From this affirmation, it is proposed that the Law of Association be designed on the basis that citizens are free to form, join and leave Associations, and if the citizens need official status for their Association, they can register it with a State agency whose authority is set down is by law.
Secondly, in a law-governed State founded on civil society, Associations by all organizations and individuals must be established and operated in a legal framework and aimed to implement the law, that is to recognize the law as the supreme legal standard. And a legal framework compatible with developmental rule is necessary to ensure and protect freedom. The scope and subject of the law of Association therefore should be defined to the effect that this law recognises the Association is a free institution and it governs the relationship between the State and the Association.
The above concept of Association stems from the assertion that an Association (official or unofficial) is a necessary institution of the people in civic life. Consequently, the State must recognize that the Association is a reality born of the people’s free will. Associations exist in law-governed State therefore they must be legal; that is they must be within the framework of the law and aimed to implement the law. Thus the State has the authority to issue laws to govern the relationship between the State and Associations. Associations and the State are institutions that necessarily exist, and ought to exist in an orderly relationship. The State has the authority to manage and Associations are subjected to its management actions. However, how to manage in a way consistent with democratic politics in the system of market economy is an issue to be given attention through concrete stipulations. Whatever the stipulation can be, it may not neglect the principle of upholding the interest of the subject as central, managing is to bring benefit to society, managing does not mean to do things on behalf of Associations and to intervene into internal affairs of the free corporate body. State management in that sense is really to carry out supervision through regulations of registration, to approve of Regulations, to evaluate budgeting activities, to prevent abuse of the Association to procure profits, or do harm to members economically, to examine the participation in policy of groups, unions with unfair economic influences, to harmonise public interests.
From the above considerations, the Draft Law of Association is seen to contain stipulations that require further discussion.
Firstly, the State manages Associations by: issuing policies, mechanisms; organising implementation of policies, mechanisms and inspecting, supervising. State agencies have the right to implement those matters, not purely as responsibilities (as noted in Article 6) but as real obligations fulfilled through their material contents.
Secondly, State agencies have the right to take management measures as laid down by the law. Ministry branches and departments do not have the right to manage Associations in a “Ministry in charge” manner. Associations are responsible to the law, not to the ministry as a parent body. This has been affirmed by may Party resolutions, State legislation along principles that those who are concerned with management by branches and departments may well know. That is the difference between administrative management and business management, the separation of public administration from operation of affair units. If Associations are neither business enterprises nor affair organizations, then this principle of separation and differentiation must be applied more strictly.
Thirdly, what legal status as type of organization do the six socio-political organizations (the Fatherland Front, Federation of Unions, the Youth group, the Women’s Union, The Farmers’ Association, the Veterans’ Association) hold in society, it still is subject to review from different opinions based on the concepts of politics and non-government status.
According to the Constitution and the law on the Fatherland Front, Federation of Unions etc... these six organizations belong to the category of socio-political organizations, which means they are directly involved in politics but not in the party-led manner and not as State authorities. The socio-political organizations together with the Party and the Government form the political system. They carry out the function related to the interest of the nation, of groups and of communities. In that function, the Government is the centre of political power, the central pillar of the political system.
The socio-political organizations possess distinctive marks compared to Associations. The Associations do not directly implement political power like the Party, the Government and the socio-political organizations. Associations have voluntary members, whereas most socio-political organizations do not have (individual) voluntary members. The socio-political organizations are organised in levels like with public administration, directly linked to the organization of political power, whereas Associations are not entirely and not necessarily so. Although the socio-political organizations participate in exercising political power as stipulated, they do not manage public service, therefore there must be none whatsoever among the socio-political organizations allowed to attract Associations into the network of socio-political organizations. This is to avoid politicising the existing and future Associations.
Fourthly, the Association is ordered by regulations, unlike the Government being originally a legal order. The organization and operation of the Government is fixed by Law and regulatory documents. If the governments issue documents with the name Regulations to determine the organization or activities of a certain structure, such documents are bona fide provisions, or in the law researchers’ terminology, they are “legally vested.” From there, the content of the Law of Association chiefly creates a legal framework (model) for the organization and activities of Associations, not intervening deeply into their internal affairs.
The legal framework for Associations can be imagined to resemble a “play ground”, in which the State by its power of governing by law, only introduces prohibited items, lay down formulae for compulsory requirements (with restraining characteristics) for Associations to implement State management in order to create an administrative link between those government agencies having relevant authority and the Associations as civil corporate bodies.
From the affirmation of the concept of withdrawing public authority finance from civil corporate bodies, of which the Association is a type of structure, we need to re-examine carefully the chapters 3 (Members), 4 (Organization and Activities of Associations), 5 (Federation, splitting up and dissolution). In my opinion, their content depicts “deep intervention” into internal affairs of the Association, which means the Law takes the place of many purports of Regulations and “rigidifies” the organization and activities of Associations, who differ widely from each other in organization and in activities. As they are not public authority institutions, the Associations need not resemble each other in organization and activities, so long as substantially their organization and activities are legitimate, that is being legitimate in the wide sense of the law and not with respect to the Law of Association alone.
The Association is a very old institution, but always a new problem, as it is highly dynamic and multi-faceted. Associations belong in civil life to achieve civil objectives in the political, economical, cultural and social domains. Our country is building a law-governed State and such a State can only be governed by rule of law when it exists in a civil society. In that State, all organizations must operate within a legal framework. For that reason, a Law of Association is badly needed but this law does not have to and cannot have a structure resembling that of the law on organization of government agencies which determines a number of definite obligations, powers, and demands that the agency concerned implements them adequately, or it will be accused of dereliction if they are not fulfilled to the limit, and abuse of power if the agency oversteps that limit. The Law of Association must differ in that Associations are institutions of civil society, entitled to do everything allowed by law and in accordance with their regulations characterised by the requisite freedom to form Associations and their self-management capacity.
CONFERENCE AT THE VIETNAM UNION OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY ASSOCIATIONS (VUSTA) HEADQUARTERS, 53 NGUYEN DU STREET, HANOI ON 8 –9- 2005
REPORT
CONFERENCE TO CANVASS IDEAS FOR THE DRAFT LAW OF ASSOCIATION
(Summary)
Participants
- Prof. Academy Member Vu Tuyen Hoang and Prof. Dr Nguyen Huu Tang (Chairperson).
- Mr Nguyen Ngoc Lam, Director, Managing Bureau of NGO’s – Ministry of Interior.
- Representatives of government authorities.
- Science and Industry organizations members of the Union and individual scientists.
CONTENTS
Prof. VU TIEN HOANG
The issue to be addressed here is why Federations and Unions are placed within the governing scope of this law, while other socio-political organizations are not? Like the Decree 88, this Law does not place our Union in its proper position when referring to the alliance of workers, peasants and intellectuals.
Proposed solution 2: As long as this Law is applied to Federations but leaving the 6 socio-political organizations outside its scope, then discrimination exists, and therefore Vietnamese intellectuals are discriminated against. What can be the reason for an alliance of workers, peasants and intellectuals with intellectuals being left out? In the next stage of building the economy, I wonder how we intellectuals can keep consenting to this situation for ever. The Union has sent submission to the Central Politbureau to rectify the current way the issue is addressed. We do not demand funding, nor do we demand to be put on the same footing as the socio-political organizations but our proposal is based on the common interest in building up the nation. If we say the above alliance is the foundation, why then intellectuals are left behind? It is too late to change this. In the socialisation process of education, science and industry to motivate development and competition, intellectuals have been put at the front, like in the Constitution, but in this law, they are put at the rear, and this is not acceptable. This is wrong both in logic and in practice.
Mr PHAM SY LIEM
Vice-President, Vietnam Federation of Construction Associations
First of all, it should be asked what is the legislative aim here? Secondly, how to formulate this law. The exercise of civil rights has been stipulated by the Constitution. In forming associations, there are so many different objectives. France has laid down a law of association, but this law also governs companies, unlike in our country. We must resolve our own issues, as each country has a different set of circumstances. Social institutions also differ with each country, it is not possible to generalise. Our law is behind the French law by more than one hundred years, a reason we should now design a truly modern law. More research study is needed in logical reasoning, in consultation for critical assessment of what is in relation to our own situation.
Recently I have found out more about the civil society. Sociologists all over the world study this issue very thoroughly. The post World War 2 thinking has developed through 3 stages, and at present the attention is on modern society. The civil society is considered as one of the three components of a nation: the State, the business bloc, and civil society. Today people do not think that an elected government is a democratic one. There must be information channels to keep watch on the government, like Associations who need to have supervisory committees to act as information channels. Peaceful evolution employs fully the logic of civil society. According to a recent seminar, the civil society puts its hope in the middle class. If society progresses towards communism, all would certainly become middle class. They want to use the middle class to control or keep the wealthy class above it in check.
To mention the workers-peasants solidarity is to use a pre-Renovation concept. I do not admire at all the position of workers when I see in reality workers have to toil for foreign enterprises, and get beaten up as well. Peasants in fairly large numbers have to work for wages in Taiwan. Why is it that in modern society, the role of the middle class and intellectuals does not feature? I will leave this for the researchers to reason it out. It would be very difficult if we use old concepts to discuss law.
The Law of Association should only create a legal framework for associations to operate. Why are people required to line up and march in steps? What kind of provisions that would enable the State to operate the Associations in their stead? Bureaucratisation manifests so clearly in this thinking.
Law of the State means the State entrusts the responsibility to our organizations, whereas Associations can just abide by the Law, but the State could not stipulate that they obey this or that official. I agree with State management, but it is only right to stipulate that Associations need merely obey the Law.
The Association and the business organization directly subordinated to it are two different entities. We have the right to found a business organization, but such an organization must adhere to provisions of the business law. Non-profit Associations, on the other hand, should be tax-free. Income from the business organization to the Association must be tax-free.
Concerning State-trained professional skills, we have no need for them. The Government should stick to training their officials. There is also a need: that the Government can commission the Associations to perform some of its tasks, provide some services to the pubic.
In a number of countries, architects, lawyers who work individually on their own, like associations are assigned to self-managed. If they do not join professional charters, they can not sign documents, architect’s drawings for instances, without being registered. Only registered doctors can put their seals, signatures in prescriptions. When these things are achieved, they save the State from a cumbersome machinery and also allow Associations to develop self-manageability.
Mr LA TRONG LONG
President, Federation of Science and Technology of Hai Phong
Local Federations can not implement this law as it is set up by Municipal Executive Committees. When you submit your curriculum vitae, it does not have to go through the Ministry of Interior. The treatment of the Federations by State and Party from the Central Region to the local areas is the same as with the Fatherland Front. The Municipal Council of Ho Chi Minh City has given the Federation dozens of billion piasters to its City Branch to establish a Headquarters. Unless the Federation of Science and Technology is put under the same provisions as the other Socio-Political organizations, the situation cannot be said to reflect reality. Article 8 says they should not be the same in name, I would add that their areas of specialty should also be separated. This should also limit the situation where foreign Associations can register in the same areas as domestic Associations.
Should Public Relations Committees report, or only need to acknowledge, the time elapsed since formation has been approved? Does the State pay the expenses for an emergency general meeting if it requires to call one? If less than half the number of members turn up, what would happen? In my opinion, this article should be removed.
Regarding representation by the head of association: The Decree 108 does not stipulate like that. The question is whether the President of the Association has adequate power, as total responsibility entails the power to call general meetings and to dissolve the Association if necessary. Otherwise it’s a “straw-weight power and hefty-stone responsibility” situation.
Do Associations have the right to free speech, to publish news periodicals? Unless they do, it is pointless to form associations. In my opinion these association rights must be inscribed in the law.
Dissolution an Association: should be announced on the news media.
Mr LE XUAN THAO
President, VIFOTECH Foundation
This Law concentrates mostly on administrative management rather than on promoting the role of the Associations. It is not yet able to express the spirit of the Decree 45 and Resolution 06. I have the impression that this Law is like an extended set of Association Regulations. It lacks renovation character and appears bureaucratised. As businesses only abide by the law, so also should associations, the stipulation on State agency management should be deleted. The Central level of the Ministry of Interior, the provincial Offices of Interior Ministry can adequately be the control points for recognition of associations.
Regarding procedure, there are too many places required to be registration offices: The Ministry of Interior, the Ministry Branch in charge, district and precinct where the headquarters is… It means the number of registration control points for the formation of Associations must be increased.
Associations have the right to consult and make critical assessment of many other matters, not just those within the Association scope. For instance the unpalatable issues of water in the West Lake, if Associations can be consultants, the Government could have saved millions of dollars on this.
It is not that the Government confers any rights to Associations, it is about giving the Associations responsibility in public works, from which Associations can carry out functions with State funding. I am of the firm opinion that if the Article 2 Item 3 leaves out other Associations, it must also add Federations, Literature and Arts Associations among those.
Mr NGUYEN VAN THAT
President, Thanh Hoa Federation of Science and Economics Associations
I am most concerned about the Item 3 of Article 2. The Law provides a guideline which is not purely the work of management by State agencies. Directive 35 of 1988, Directive 45 also affirm the socio-political character of Federations, which cannot be considered as professional social organizations to be excluded. Especially in the context of promoting the role of Science and Industry in the condition of a knowledge-based economy. The perception of the issue must be put in an historical, and at the same time modern, perspective under the national condition of industrialisation.
If the law is only focussed on the management mechanism of the agency in charge, Associations will have difficulty in developing.
Mr NGUYEN AN LUONG
President, Labour Safety Association
Surrounding brother Hoang’s idea is a great question, it is a precondition of existence of this law. It is linked to the thinking concerning the intelligentia in Vietnam. Without an antecedent Decree, it is not possible to bring viewpoints into this bill.
In reality laws for Labour Union, Youth Group, Women’s Union have been in existence, but as a law for Federation of Associations has not yet come about, the latter is a victim of exclusion. Being a professional social association, we need to be governed by law. If Federations or Unions, the Writers Association, the Journalists Association are put in article 2 item 3, why are professional associations put outside the governing scope?
I propose an intermediary solution: to set aside a chapter for Federations. As socio-political organizations, they are to be governed like other organizations.
On the view that state management must improve: by opening legal corridors, promoting the role of operating in the corridor, and penalty for infringement. With this view, the idea that the State’s function is to register, to raise professional skills, is not advisable. The State should only manage the processing the registration.
Article 37: the rights of Associations are not yet correct. We are carrying out socialisation, the role of Associations must involve much more participation. The participation in developing economy and society, managing society has not been addressed, as reference is only made strictly on association affairs. Participation through consultancy, critique, appraisal tasks have not been clarified, and it stays vague because the word ‘appraisal’ is being avoided. Meanwhile, the role of Associations in fighting corruption must be clearly recognised as paramount.
This law is unique in placing the supervising committee on the same level as the managing or executive committee. Is this mechanism set up in the fear that Associations will tend to operate wrongfully, so that such mechanism is deemed necessary as counter measure? I would propose that the supervisory committee should be appointed by the executive committee and not elected at the general meeting.
Article 27: proceedings of the general meeting… are written like a set of Association regulations. The Law must serve as a set of guidelines only, why should there be the need for such stipulations?
I propose that we must report to the Politbureau. If the Federations have not yet grown to their appropriate size, then there is no rush to have a separate law. They should not be equated with their member Associations. The role of the intelligentia must be effectively manifested.
Mr DUONG TRUNG QUOC
General Secretary, Vietnam History Science Association
In the past 60 years we have not neglected the traditional factor. Every seven years the law is amended, its life is not long. It reflects our standard of drafting laws. If the commonly used concept is Association, what then is an Association? According to this draft, the meaning is superficial and has many flaws.
We also avoid an historical fact: the complexity related to politics. The former nature of our Party was the Association. Due to its political aims, it was illegal at that time. The true nature of Labour Unions is political. Whether our Federations are political or not, this needs to be clearly determined. I think if everything is directed towards the good of the country, then no Association is political. If there are exceptions, it would be difficult to integrate into the world economy.
We have to accept whether the issue is traditional or in transition. If the state of transition is not recognised, laws cannot be practical in real life, and furthermore will cause harmful damage. It is necessary ti create appropriate corridors, and accept that amendments will continue to be made in the next 5-10 years. International integration is imperative, but it must be gradual.
If we go back to the principle of 60 years ago, it is necessary to clarify: this Law is about the right to form Associations. Unless we can do this, we will not avoid feeling we are stepping backward in history, even in comparison to our friends. There must be security in the formation of Associations. The Decrees of 1956, 1957 have mentioned the right to form Associations, which must heighten our efforts, our awareness of citizens’ democracy.
The Associations are allowed to have member Associations by stipulations, but the Federation is not a subject for governing. The draft document is thought to be water tight, in fact it is very loose. It has the characteristics of being the corridor for forming many branch associations, and liable to lead to an almost ungoverned situation.
The basic principle must be assured: continuity, transitional process, ensuring integration.
Prof NGUYEN HUU TANG
All of you comrades have expressed your views passionately, responsibly since this morning. The Party Group in Federations will have official views later.
I would like to sum up:
The Law of Association brings about a progressive step. If it is spacious, open, it will be able to mobilize all the people’s strength. To foreign countries, they would see how open our society is, and whether it is capable of integration into international economy. Therefore we should not be hasty in issuing a law when preparation is not yet thorough. This law will affect the whole of society, and many people. That is why it is imperative to ensure maintaining democratic freedom and creativity for development to be possible.
The Law is on a large scale, it is impossible to write it at a micro-level. Existing in our society… are tightly organized socio-political groups, but they are hardly more tightly organized than the Unions or Federations of Associations. The social professional groups, and a group larger than these is society itself. It is imperative therefore to determine clearly which group is which in order to govern, and not get confused. Lack of equality should not allowed to manifest.
Foreign countries will find it difficult to interact with mass-organizations. As it is the Law is not correct in carrying out Decree 45 of the Politbureau. Should we design a law with orientation-guiding characteristics or one with tight bureaucratic management nature? If it is on a large scale, it should be pure law and not the details covering the social organizations.
I concur with brother Duong Trung Quoc’s view: the Law is about the right to form Association. It must determine the responsibility of the State towards Associations.
For publicising, we only need to have a framework law. The question of ideas, opinions, and petitions required to be submitted, these must be written in decree-formulated documents. We could design just a small, compact law, of a framework nature. If we could participate in the drafting committee, we will be able to directly contribute our views.
There is a confusion between social professional organizations and public authorities. Why does the Government have to embrace wholesale all affairs and activities, instead of promoting the strengths of professional associations such as in management, supervision? If this confusion continues, it will be very difficult to work.
I propose: if the draft bill is to be introduced at the end of the year, more careful research, clear stipulations of functions and responsibilities of Unions/Federations of Associations are needed. I am thoroughly undecided about the content of the present draft.
CENTRAL OFFICE OF THE VIETNAM FEDERATION OF CULTURE AND ART ASSOCIATIONS
51, TRAN HUNG DAO, HANOI, 28TH OCTOBER 200..
REPORT ON THE CANVASSED IDEAS PRESENTED AT THE CONFERENCE ON THE “LAW OF ASSOCIATION”
Participants:
- Presidents, Vice-presidents, Editors-in-Chief of Central Culture and Art Associations which include: the Vietnam Fine Art Association, the Vietnam Musicians Association, the Vietnam Cinematography Association, the Vietnam Popular Performative Arts Association, the Vietnam Art Photographers Association, the Vietnam Actors Association, the Vietnam Architects Association, the Vietnam Culture and Art Association for Ethnic Minorities, Local Culture and Art Associations of Phu Tho, Ha Tay, Hoa Binh, Hai Duong, Thai Binh, Ninh Binh provinces.
- Representatives from Central Agencies: Comrade Do Kim Cuong, Head of Performative Arts Department, Central Committee for Cultural Ideology; Comrade Nguyen Van Sim, Deputy Head of NGO Department, Ministry of Interior; Comrade Hoang Van Tan, Deputy Secretary General, Vietnam Federation of Economics Science.
CONTENT PROCEEDINGS
Comrade LE PHUC, Permanent Vice-President of the Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations, declares the reason for organising the conference, introduces participating representatives, and lists the required objectives of the conference.
Prof Dr TO NGOC THANH
President, Vietnam Popular Performing Arts Association
The Association of Culture for Fatherland Salvation came to existence in 1943, since then has always operated under Party leadership and marched in step with the nation’s development. According to you comrade, the Law of Association document cannot equate all Associations in its content, contains many issues, many articles, items and chapters that are irrational (Who leads? Who manages? It is not made clear. In the process of operation, with whom reports are lodged and from whom permissions are requested? Does not the Ministry of Culture and Information have adequate capacity to manage the creative activities in literature and arts..?) We propose that the Ministry of Interior exercises caution and wisdom in the drafting and issuing of documents.
Comrade CHU CHI THANH
President, Vietnam Art Photographers Association
- A number of articles in the document are not yet clear, not quite sensible, especially the chapters, articles and items on the economic and financial issues of Associations, how to distribute profits to ensure legality and compliance with economic principles.
- Specific activity and import of each Association differ, it is not possible to equate Culture and Arts Associations with Bee Keeping or Gardening Associations…
Comrade BINH NGUYEN
President, Culture and Arts Association of Ninh Binh
- The document contains many shortcomings, forced levelling of statuses, organizational regimes, scale of activity, specificity of operation for socio-political organizations and socio-political professional organizations needing clear definitions.
- It is imperative to clarify and cogently affirm the leadership role of the Party, the management tasks of the State and administrative role of the Government in Association-type organizations. The text of the law must embody all viewpoints, policies, guidelines, ideological stances, especially the basic spirit of the Decrees of the Party, being the major directive orientation for activities of Associations. The Ministry of Interior needs to have concrete and uniform written documents on such issues as permanent staff organization, regulations for organization of activities…
Asst Prof TRAN LUAN KIM
President, Vietnam Cinematography Association
- We concur with the above views, however, what is our opinion on the content of this document? In my view, this is a big and regrettable mistake in perception on the part of the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Finance. Such a homogenizing evaluation is very disappointing.
- The issuing of the Law is necessary, et the contents in each chapter, section, article appear to be extremely contradictory, going against the spirit of the Central Resolution 5.
Musician DO DONG QUAN
President, Vietnam Musicians Association
- According to you comrade, this is not a law, being an extremely passive document with an unconvincing content, totally unacceptable. I would like to remind you and stress that after the great success of the General Meeting of the Central Culture and Arts Professional Associations, when the Culture and Arts world is feeling enthused and excited in a healthy atmosphere to continue with creating valuable cultural and art works in the service of the Fatherland, of the people, the above document appears as a “thunderbolt” announcing a “cold hard rain.”
Writer DO KIM CUONG
Head, Department of Performative Arts, Central Information and Culture Committee
- The view of the Central Cultural Ideology Committee is that it always supports the formation and standardising the institutional organization of activities such that they can embody the Party policy, viewpoint and ideology on the issue of Culture and Art. Regrettably, the document contains too many irrational issues still. Without recognising and evaluating the great efforts of those in the field of Culture and Art, a number of articles put under constraint, impede the creative development of Culture and Art. Many purports contradict each other, even go against the spirit of National Assembly Resolutions. Perhaps expert advisors are required to participate in designing and finalising the above document.
Poet PHAM TIEN DUAT
Chief Editor, Vietnamese Performing Arts Forum Magazine
The design and introduction of the Draft Law of Association to the National Assembly is necessary, but it may require reconsideration right from naming. I think it should be called the “Law on NGO’s in Vietnam” and Culture and Art Associations should not be included in its scope.
Musician NGUYEN THANH VIEN
President, Culture and Arts Association of Hoa Binh
The document on the Law of Association does not express fully the spirit of the Central Government Resolution 5 (8th Congress); Directive 18 of Party Secretariat, Central Government Resolution 10 (9th Congress). The issues of religion, causing unrest among ethnic minorities in the western highland provinces, have deep impact on general development, of which culture is a part. Legal provisions and practical measures are necessary but attention must also be paid to rational quality and timeliness.
Comrade LE CHUC
President, Vietnam Theatre Actors Association
We need to consolidate our viewpoints in order to build our law. It must have a high degree of representation for those in the Culture and Arts field. This text creates a chain reaction of intense disagreement.
Artist TRAN KHANH CHUONG
President, Vietnam Fine Art Association
In the struggle to build a law-governed State, there must be law and activities must ensure their legality. However the law is developed and implemented, it must be done in the care and thorough understanding of the Party’s line, viewpoint on literature and arts, following closely the nation-wide developmental situation, the political and unsurpassed nature of Socialism. The content of this text is not yet rational, being contradictory in its subject matters, revealing a confused position. This document must be re-studied in greater depth to ensure full rights and sustained development of culture and arts along the Party line.
Comrade HOANG VAN TAN
Deputy Secretary General, Vietnam Federation of Economic Science Associations.
I am in full sympathy as we have compatible perceptions and share basic attitude towards this document. The Vietnam Federation of Economic Science Associations has many Associations with diverse, multilateral functions, beyond the managing reach of the Ministry of Interior, Provincial People’s Committees. Therefore, this document does not satisfactorily meet the common expectation.
REPRESENTATIVE OF VIETNAM ARCHITECTS COMMUNITY
We agree with the views, that the content of the document has not yet stipulated concretely on the organised system for Associations, from Federations to Central professional Associations. We propose that the Ministry of Interior stipulates more clearly by a tighter document, but it should be more dynamic and flexible in order to respond to the demands of the creative development of Culture and Arts.
Associate Prof Artist VU GIANG HUONG
President, Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations
- The issue of designing the draft Law of Association is one of necessity. I think that the Law of Association must guarantee the rights of those working in the scientific, culture and arts fields… It must embody democracy and human rights. It must unite the various strata of people, enforce solidarity between the intelligentia in culture and arts and in science with peasants, workers and other strata.
- The Law of Association not applicable to the 6 Associations and religious organizations, are these Associations outside the law or are they the Party’s organizations(?) Therefore, it is proposed that references to the 6 Associations and religious organizations must be clearly made in the Law of Association, possibly set aside completely in a separate Chapter.
- In Article 4, chapter 1, to the clause “contributing to the economic social development of the nation…” the word cultural must be added.
- In Article 5, how are activities of the Associations involving the work of the Government to be funded by the Government?
- Article 19 must be re-examined.
- As we have known, the former identity of the Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations is the Association of Culture for Fatherland Salvation, officially formed in 1948 under the direct leadership of the Party Central Executive Committee, and the Culture and Arts Associations have successfully carried out the tasks of developing culture and arts since then. When the Central Committee’s Resolution 5 was made (8th Congress), the Culture and Arts Associations were defined as professional Socio-political Associations. The conclusion of the Central Committee Resolution no. 10 on continuing to implement Resolution 5 has provided us with directive guidelines for the Culture and Arts Associations, affirming their great contribution in building the moral intellectual foundation for society.
- As mentioned above, the birth of the Law of Association is necessary, but this Law of Association as drafted by the Ministry of Interior (in its 6th version) has yet to be appropriate to the Culture and Arts Associations and Vietnam Economic Science Associations. It can be said this is an unacceptable document, as the relationship between the Ministry of Interior and the Culture and Arts and Economic Science Associations is one of co-ordination. The Ministry of Interior should only manage the Associations on the State administrative basis, but should not manage their professional activities.
PETITION
1. The Culture and Arts Associations from Central to local areas with a membership of 30,000 artists and writers is a large Federation, with the prestige of being founded nearly 60 years ago by the Party. Therefore, to guarantee democratic rights, justice, to encourage creative activities by artists and writers in the construction of a progressive example of culture and arts for the nation, the Ministry of Interior needs to draft a separate Law or a separate Chapter stipulating the activities of the Culture and Arts Associations from Central to local areas, the operational foundation for which is to resemble that of the 6 socio-political Associations (as expressed in the 10th Central Committee Meeting).
2. The drafting of the Law of Association must take departure from the spirit of the Resolutions, Central Party Directives and needs to have participation from professional experts to directly contribute constructive ideas.
SUMMING UP OF CONFERENCE
Comrade LE PHUC
Permanent Vice-President, the Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations
Though the conference today, we have been united in our viewpoints and have expressed our disagreeing attitude towards this document. The Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations will combine the views and prepare a petition to the National Assembly before the draft bill is to be passed.
CONFERENCE AT THE VIETNAM UNION OF SCIENCE & TECHNOLOGY ASSOCIATIONS (VUSTA) HEADQUARTERS
53 NGUYEN DU ST., HANOI, 23rd DECEMBER 2005
SCIENTISTS PROPOSE A NEW DRAFT
- In one week, the experts of the Vietnam Federation of Science and Technology Associations completed a draft with 6 chapters, 58 articles.
- The governed subjects introducing a new draft is a rare thing in the history of legislation!
In the afternoon 23rd December, the Vietnam Federation of Science and Technology Associations (VUSTA) called a meeting to announce a main text of collected proposed views amending the Interior Ministry’s draft Law of Association. Of highly special interest was that they also introduced a new draft bill designed by the scientists themselves… after one week’s working on it. The Representatives of Research Committee of the Prime Minister and of the Government Office were surprised and delighted with this eventuality.
Mr TRAN QUOC THUAN
Deputy Director, National Assembly Office
There Has Never Been A Draft Bill With Such A Comprehensive Proposal Contributed To It!
The fact that scientists, having declared the draft Law of Association as not meeting its demands, took upon themselves to write a new one, is a highly laudable effort. This should be valued as a positive contribution. If the draft they produce is agreeably received by many people, there is a great possibility it will become law.
The National Assembly is a parliament house activity. And the principle of parliament houses is the making of decisions by majority vote. If you can persuade the National Assembly, your draft will become law, and your viewpoint meets the demands. The introduction of a new draft is a contribution of ideas and not aimed as replacement, ignoring the draft committee. In other words, “I work pro bono for you and I have the right to introduce a work competitive to yours.” This is form of total contribution of ideas, should be applauded by public opinion, as it expresses democracy. Until now, I have not personally seen a draft bill receiving contributing ideas in so total a manner as to have a completely new document introduced like that.
Only Govern The Relationship As Arising
After more than ten years, the 8th draft Law of Association produced by the Ministry of Interior has as many as nine chapters, 61 articles. However, as the HCM City Law Magazine has informed, at the meeting for gathering opinions on 13th December before its introduction to the Government, the draft has encountered strong reactions from the professional and scientists groups. As a result, in barely one week the scientists of VUSTA have proposed a new draft with six chapters, 58 articles. The fundamental difference with the VUSTA draft regards this law only as governing the relationship between the State and Associations as it arises during the formation, organization and operation of Associations. On the other hand, the Interior Ministry’s draft regards this law as an instrument to manage Associations, as well as to stipulate the procedures for formation and activities of Associations. Nevertheless, VUSTA is also “diplomatic” in introducing solution number two: the principal text based on the amending of the Ministry of Interior’s draft.
Dr (of Law) Hoang Ngoc Giao, representing the VUSTA group of authors, stated that their amendments are based on the principle that the Government acknowledges that the citizens’ right to form associations is already enshrined in the Constitution. Therefore the provisions for organizing and operating Associations reduce the danger of bureaucratization, enabling Associations to be more active, promoting more creative ideas for the community. Analysing the danger of “unofficial” associations such as Aged Care Association, Same-Origin Friendship Association… being vulnerable to be (bureaucratically) “tormented”, Mr Giao said: “The Interior Ministry’s draft is not yet thorough, that’s is why VUSTA proposes that both the registered and the non-registered Associations must be recognized. However, un-registered Associations cannot open bank accounts under the Association’s name, cannot have a seal, cannot conduct businesses as a corporate entity.”
On the procedure of forming an Association, Mr Giao says the amendments made are based on the principle of registering without the need of applying for permission. The Interior Ministry also says registration, however procedure-wise, it is “really complicated by its four stages, and further it is not clear,” thus it is practically an application process. Therefore we have designed that after a certain number of days informing the State authority, the founding committee has the right to call a general meeting without an approval document. Mr Giao affirms that “registration is only aimed at ensuring that the State authorities have reliable information on the Associations” and making clear that the mechanism of settling disputes is the administrative tribunal when public servants abuse their power over Associations.
Except For Prohibitions, Associations Can Do Everything
Dr Giao stress especially the management role of the State with respect to Association activities imperatively as “being law abiding. It is like the provisions of activities related to health, the environment… must adhere to the stipulations by those relevant Ministries. On the other hand, it is necessary to design such that everyone working at the Associations are liable to be subjected to supervision and inspection by the special State agencies.” The group of authors also suggest that a registry of Associations needs to be set up and this registry must be regularly announced publicly and listed on the Internet. “The funding bodies therefore can access the addresses they need; government officials can also get hold of the number of Associations operating in their domains of governance”, says Mr Giao.
Dr Giao states that instead of general prohibitions, such as “this illegal activity harms the interest..”, the VUSTA authors design practically that there are seven acts to be prohibited. “More can be added if necessary but once listed, it means apart from these prohibited items, Associations can do any other things. It is different from the fact that public servants are only allowed to do the things stipulated by law.”
Of special interest is the elaboration the VUSTA authors made about listing in the law those services the State can commission Associations to provide, which “must adhere to the public tendering principle. Otherwise, this could easily lead to negative consequences, as in many cases even where only a simple transfer is involved, for instance in the hunger abolition and poverty reduction area…”
The VUSTA Vice-President, Associate Prof Dr Ho Uy Liem, adds if the stipulation is not clear, arbitrary intervention from State authorities will take place. “The Federation of Medicine and Pharmacy Associations is under our management, but at our General Meeting, the Ministry of Health sends a Vice-Minister over to stand as candidate without consulting us.” The President of the Federation of Literature and Art Associations, artist Gang Huong, also agrees: “A perusal reveals the draft law written by you comrades as containing many reasonable items. We have worked well so far together with the Ministry of Culture and Information, signing a set of regulations every two years. Only when we have to adhere to the law, such as sending paintings overseas for exhibitions, permission from the Ministry is requested. Even in elections, only the number of votes counts, whereas someone introduced by the executives is not trusted. The Law of Association must help them to develop, not to leave it to the Ministry to dictate over Associations.”
Draft Law Must Incorporate Ideas from the Subjects It Is Meant to Govern
Mr Pham Tuan Khai, Deputy Head of Government Office’s Draft Committee, says: “I think your work today is excellent. If this can be done with all laws, it would be superb. The Government Decree 101 recently issued has stressed that it is necessary to gather the views of subjects over whom the law is meant to govern, to see how it will affect them. I must say on reading what you comrades have written, they are things of deep concern. Scientifically speaking, these proposed views are appropriate and worth discussing.” Mr Khai completely agrees with the innovative idea of forming and setting up public registry for Associations. “I also applaud the fact that you comrades have listed the acts to be prohibited, the more concrete they are, the better. Our view is that this law only stipulates the right of citizens to form associations, practical matters should be left to Association regulations.”
Madame Pham Chi Lan of the Prime Ministerial Research Committee, declares: “I personally prefers the draft proposed by the VUSTA experts to the 8th draft of the Interior Ministry, because it states more clearly about the types of Associations and it is more encompassing, more rational, especially the recognition of non-registered types of Association as it is the legitimate right of citizens.” Mme Lan repeats her past view in that the stipulation for State management by a Ministry in charge and People’s Committees “is unnecessary.” She says: “I work at the Chamber of Commerce for so many years now without having to report to the Hoan Kiem District, and they in no way can understand our nationwide activities. My most general idea is to respect absolutely the right to form associations, to create conditions for Associations to operate but not to check up on them.”
Dr Nguyen Vi Khai of the Prime Ministerial Research Committee exclaims: “The work of today’s session is extremely useful!”, as he has recognised that a price will have to be paid for having a law drafted in the isolation of four walls, that is when it is thrust into real life later. To Mr Khai, the progress towards an egalitarian civil society is necessary, and history will turn a new leaf. He promises that after Government members contribute their views, if the Prime Minister, before signing for introducing it to the National Assembly Standing Committee, proposes that the Research Committee to be the “goal keeper”, they will present the views as have been exchanged here.
In summing up, Assoc Prof Dr Ho Uy Liem says there has been a high number of agreed points, and a few points of disagreement still as there are differences in thinking. He hopes that before introducing it to the National Assembly, there will be many occasions yet for exchange of views with the drafting agency.
PHAM LOI
(Ho Chi Minh City Law Magazine, 26 – 12 – 2005)
CONFERENCES ORGANIZED BY VIETNAM LAWYERS ASSOCIATION AND VIETNAM FEDERATION OF SCIENCE AND ECONOMICS ASSOCIATIONS
To carry out the duty of participating in drafting laws and critically appraising policies, the reach agreement with the Interior Ministry in the spirit of Circular 1674/BNV-TCPCP dated 7/7/2005, the Vietnam Lawyers Association, the Vietnam Federation of Science and Technology Associations and the Interior Ministry’s NGO Bureau have collaborated in organising 3 scientific seminars contributing ideas for the draft Law of Association at three zones:
- Northern zone: on 21-10-2005 organised at Chi Linh, Hai Duong province.
- Central zone: on 18-11-2005, organised at the City of Da Nang.
- Southern zone: on 20-12-2005, organised at Bien Hoa, Dong Nai province.
Representatives attending the seminars were members of the Draft Committee, the Editorial Board for the Law of Association, Home Affairs Branch of Central Party Committee, Foreign Affairs Branch of Central Party Committee, Ministry of Finance, Central Committee of the Vietnam Fatherland Front, leaders of Associations with nationwide operation, scholars, legal experts with knowledge of association activities.
Below are excerpts of a number of texts presented at the above seminars.
VIETNAM FEDERATION OF FRIENDSHIP ORGANIZATIONS
IDEAS CONTRIBUTED TO THE 6TH DRAFT LAW OF ASSOCIATION
I. Constraints and Shortcomings in the Draft Law
The draft bill has a number of very basic constraints as follows:
1. The draft has not created a legal basis to ensure the unification of Vietnamese mass movements to serve the objective of achieving national unity.
The “stratification”, splitting 6 socio-political groups and those “Associations without members” off from the ranks of subjects for whom this Law applies did not allow a wholistic approach to the system of grassroots organizations of Vietnam, in order to determine the relationships between grassroots organizations, to promote the central role of the socio-political organizations in Vietnamese mass movements. This is also the result of a “levelling scarifying” approach towards all the organizations being subjected to the application of stipulations in the draft bill, without distinguishing the role and position of the socio-political organizations, the wide ranging organizations of mass alliances with a Party leadership mechanism, from those of other organizations.
The determination of procedure for forming an Association as referred to in the Draft also create a danger for pluralising mass movements in Vietnam. With these stipulations, any group of individuals can form an entirely new youth organization independent of the Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Group, or a new friendship organization independent of the Vietnam Federation of friendship organizations, the organizations of intellectuals, journalists, writers, lawyers etc… completely independent of the socio-political organizations who currently exist and operate under Party leadership.
The provisions for Associations as raised in the draft have not catered for the fact that we have many mass organizations with an ordered system going from Central to local regions, their establishment, and therefore the conditions and procedures of formation do not resemble those of independent Associations.
2. Many provisions of the Draft do not sit well with the reality and trend of diversification in assembly forms of current mass movements.
The draft only offers one model for organising Associations with stipulations that are too concrete, pertaining to the internal affairs of Associations (for instances Article 14, main purports of Association regulations; Article 16, principal content of the general meeting to form an Association; Chapter 3 on Members, Article 20, Membership of the Association; Article 21, Official members; article 22, Associate members; Article 23, Honorary members; Article 27, Organization structure of the Association; Article 27, Skeletal contents of general meetings for term elections; Article 30, Principle of voting; Article 32, Responsibility and power of the executives etc…)
The rigid application of a model for organization is not compatible with the diversification trend of organising forms for today’s mass organizations.
3. The determination of relationship between the State and Associations is not yet adequate and contains inappropriate subject matters.
The draft has not produced a legal basis enabling the Government to classify the mass organizations, establish levels of different relations with respect to different types of organization; such as the type of organization with regular partnership relations, or the type of organization with partnership relation depending on programs and projects etc… The above establishment of the legal basis is very necessary in reinforcing the political system, create the bond between the Government and the core socio-political organizations, promoting the role of the organizations in various facets of the political, economic and social life. This is a method that even Western nations apply to maintain and reinforce their own political systems.
The draft has not produced a legal basis enabling the Government to transfer a number of function to mass organizations in order to implement and to meet the requirements of a socialisation policy from the Party and the State.
The stipulation on the Government distributing the task of “State management of organization” of the Associations among the Ministries in reality is establishing a subjective mechanism, which is incompatible with the policy to promote the role of partnership, of critical appraisal of society by mass organizations, and is at odd with the reality that many associations operate in many areas, towards many objectives, with the policy to cut down on staff level in the administrative machinery.
4. The draft lacks many stipulations, measures of sanction so basic and necessary for ensuring social stability and security, national benefit and safety.
The draft does not stipulate which types of association are not allowed to be formed. This is extremely necessary to found a legal base for State functional agencies and processing levels, as there will be certainly many complex situations springing up in practice.
The draft has not paid sufficient attention to the issue of State management of Association finances. This is a vital issue that is given great attention by all Western countries, considered as the most effective means to supervise and manage the activities of Associations.
The draft does not yet have concrete stipulations about external relations of the Associations. Who can receive funding from overseas? In what conditions can it be received? What purposes is it used for? What purposes can it not be used for? According to what principle do Associations join international organizations? Which international organizations they are not allowed to join? Which Associations have the right to represent a rank of Vietnamese citizens in a certain international multilateral mechanism, organization or forum?
The text content on formation of foreigners associations and foreign organizations in Vietnam is still too sketchy, not able to establish a legal basis on which our Government can stipulate concrete provisions for formation procedure, scope and area of activities.
II. Some Suggestions and Proposals
The issuing of the Law of Association ought to respond to some needs of the nature of principle as follows:
- To create conditions conducive to formation and operation of Vietnamese mass organizations in meeting the demands of the Vietnamese public.
- To ensure the unity of Vietnamese mass movements under Party leadership; to diversify in form but not to pluralize; to guarantee national autonomy and security, not to let foreign organizations and individuals interfere in our internal affairs;
- To create conditions for establishing partnership relations between mass organizations and the State, to intensify socialisation through the promotion of the role of mass organizations in the political, economic, and social life of the nation;
From such standpoint, we would like to put forward a few proposals as follows:
1. Regarding the subjects of application: they should be all Vietnamese citizens and citizens’ organizations (except perhaps the religious organizations, but the large socio-political organizations and Vietnamese NGO’s should not be excluded). The foreign individuals and organizations should not yet be included in the subjects of this Law.
2. The concept of “Association” should only be based on 4 main marks, as being a voluntary organization, having corporate entity status, having regular activities, being non-profit oriented. (The issue of members’ interests should not be rigidly stipulated as there are Associations not oriented towards serving or protecting members’ interests).
There should be principle-based stipulations: An Association is an organization with corporate entity status, voluntarily established by Vietnamese citizens from the legitimate needs or interests of Vietnamese citizens, to hold regular non-profit oriented activities within the framework of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam’s Constitution and law.
3. There should be a chapter on “The relationship between the Government and Associations” where apart from the points raised in Article 6, there should be stipulations such as:
- The Government recognizes that Associations involve large scale gatherings and exert great influence among the ranks of the mass public, possess capability and effectiveness in the protection, intensification or embodiment of, response to the aspirations, interests of the mass public; [the Associations] are organizations representing the ranks and strata of the mass public in their relationship with the Government.
- The Government consults the opinions of organizations representing the ranks and strata of the mass public before issuing the decisions and policies that affect, exert influence on the public interests represented by those organizations.
- The Government may transfer a number of functions to organizations representing the ranks and strata of the mass public with appropriate capacity.
- The Government to subsidize funding and assist with other necessary conditions to organizations recognised as representing the ranks and strata of the mass public, in order to develop activities towards the protection, intensification or embodiment of, response to the aspirations, interests of the ranks and strata of the mass public.
- The Government to create conditions for associations to participate in appropriate State programs, objectives, projects, to subsidize funding for associations with activities meeting the objectives and obligations of the Government.
- Regarding management responsibility of Ministries, stipulations need only be made for registration, management of activities according to law. The issue of distributing the responsibility of managing associations to various Ministries should not be considered.
4. Regarding registration procedure on formation, there should be stipulations on the Government’s consultation with organizations representing the ranks and strata of the mass public about the formation of Associations operating in related fields or domains. There should be stipulations on organizations that are not permitted to be established.
5. The stipulations on Associations should concentrate on matters concerning the relationship between Associations and the Government, the law, the community, society. There should not be stipulations on purely internal issues of Associations. The following articles need to be added:
- The Government to encourage Associations who operate with the mass public as subjects or in certain areas to collaborate closely with those organizations representing the ranks and strata of the mass public operating with the same subjects and in the same areas, in order to increase effectiveness in operation, in serving the interests, meeting the needs and aspirations of the ranks and strata of the mass public.
- Associations can campaign to raise funds from individuals and organizations to enable them to carry out their work according to the Association’s tenets and aims, and have the responsibility to report on their finance, assets to the State agency in charge of finance administration as stipulated by law.
- Regarding international relations and activities, there should be stipulations on the conditions under which foreign aid, the use of overseas funding, stipulations on joining international organizations and international activities. There should be stipulations on the exclusive capacity given to organizations representing the ranks and strata of the Vietnamese people to represent the Vietnamese people in international relations with mass organizations of other countries in related fields and domains.
LOGICAL AND PRACTICAL BASES FOR DETERMINING THE SUBJECTS OF APPLICATION OF THE ASSOCIATION LAW
Assoc. Prof. Dr LE VAN HOE
National Institute of Administration Ho Chi Minh
The right to form Associations is a fundamental right of citizens recognised by almost all democratic countries and recorded in the Constitution. As a result of the exercise of this right, Associations develop more and more to become an indispensable institution in the organised structure of society. They have an important position, play a great role in the construction and growth of democracy, and provide an impetus to social development in all areas. Because of that important role, all Governments attach special attention to Associations, carry out the practical implementation of:
- Stipulations under the form of the Law of Association based on the freedom of citizens to form associations, to acknowledge the Associations’ autonomy in management, at the same time the State reserves the right to dissolve Associations should they infringe on Constitutional order and national unity. All Laws of Associations in various countries set forth their concepts of an Association. The German Republic Law of Federations (in 1964) defines: “The Association is a voluntary gathering of individuals and corporate entities for a relative length of time to achieve a common aim and follow a set of regulations in fulfilling the collective will which is organized under any legal form.” With this concept, the subject of application of the Law is vast, covering even companies with capital, co-operatives, mutual insurance alliances are also subjects of application (Article 17).
- Together with social progress and the democratic process, the internationalising of Associations develops not only nationwide, but also worldwide. Domestic Associations operate more and more with an international temper, as if this is a sine qua non trend. Nevertheless, the formation of Associations is always on a voluntary basis, and follows professional interests, common tastes, concerns or common development objectives (environment protection, scholarly interest promotion…)
In Vietnam, following the success of the August Revolution in 1945, the Vietnam Democratic Socialist government was established, the citizens’ freedom and democratic rights – civil rights, were recognised, including the right to form Associations. On 22 April 1946, President Ho Chi Minh issued the Decree no. 52/SL stipulating the procedure of application for Vietnamese citizens wishing to form Associations (or mass-organizations, Groups). On 9 November 1946, the first National Assembly of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam ratified the Constitution, in which the Article 10 has stipulations on Vietnamese citizens rights to:
- Freedom of speech
- Freedom to publish books
- Freedom to organize and form associations
- Religious freedom
- Freedom of residence, to travel within and outside the country.
On 31-12-1959, the National Assembly passed a new Constitution (the 1959 Constitution), fundamentally changing the 1946 Constitution. In Article 25 of Chapter 3 on the basic rights and obligations of citizens, it stipulates that: Citizens of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam have the rights to freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of forming associations and of public demonstration. The Government guarantees the necessary material conditions for citizens to enjoy these rights.” To make concrete the Constitution, the National Assembly issued the Law of Association. Following this, the Constitutions of 1980, 1992 stipulate the basic rights of citizens to form Associations (Article 67 of the 1980 Constitution, Article 69 of the 1992 Constitution). It is precisely on the basis of the Constitution and other legal documents stipulating on Associations that the Associations in our country have been formed, actively operated in the construction and defence of our Nation and Socialism.
Entering into the era of socio-economic renovation, along side the socialist-oriented development of market economy, the Associations and Federations in our country have developed vigorously. Many Associations and Federations have activities reaching beyond the national territory; many associations are veterans with over half a century of operation history; many are newly formed, although young of age but definitive in their role and position. While the citizens aspiration to form new associations continues to grow, Association aims and forms of activities have become more and more diversified and complex, giving rise to no few problems related to forming an Association, to State management action over Associations, to the issues of settling disputes and dealing with infringements in Association activities… In this context, the need for a Law of Association to replace the Government’s Decrees has become more and more demanding and urgent. Right from the 8th Congress (in 1966), our Party has affirmed that: “The Government needs to issue a Law on forming associations and create necessary conditions for the activities of mass-organised groups.” Then, at the 9th Congress (in 2001) the Party continued to affirm and press for: “Widening and diversification of forms of public gathering for participation in mass groups, social organizations, professional, cultural, friendship, welfare, humanitarian associations... [by] expediting the issue of the Law of association.”
Although the Party’s policy of issuing the Law of association has been in existence for nearly 10 years, while the reality of organising and operating Associations, Federations has become more and more complex, the National Assembly has not yet passed a bill for the Law of Association. There are several reasons for this, among them the issue of awareness leading to unconcensual views on the contents of the stipulations of the Law, especially the subjects of application (or the governed subjects of the Law). In our opinion, this is related to the following issues:
Firstly, regarding terminology, besides the term “socio-political organization” being used to designate the Vietnam Fatherland Front, the Vietnam Federation of Labour Unions, the Vietnam Women's Union, the Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Group, the Vietnam Farmers’ Association, the Vietnam War Veterans Association, there is the term “other organizations.” In Article 10 of the 1992 Constitution, the term “other organizations” is understood in a very wide sense, encompassing socio-political organizations and organizations that are not political ones, the economic units. Even among the socio-political organizations, there are three with the word “Association” used in nomenclature. In place of the term “social organization”, there is also the term “people’s group,” “mass organization.” These terms are often used in Party documents. In the 8th Congress Document, however, the term “socio-political organization” is used (not counting the Fatherland Front), while in the 9th Congress Document, except for six, other organizations are designated as “mass organizations,” “social organizations,” “professional, cultural, welfare-humanitarian associations…” Right in the legal documents issued after the 1992 Constitution was amended and appended by the National Assembly, the above highly varied terms were used, causing extreme difficulty in discerning them. For example, the Law of State organization of 2002 with Article 7 employing the term “people’s organization”, while in Article 8, Item 2, organizations are listed as including socio-political organizations. social organizations, economic organizations. The Resolutions from the Standing Committee of the National Assembly on “the Assembly Representatives receiving citizens, receiving and relaying applications, expediting, following up processes of resolving appeals, prosecutions and petitions by citizens”, includes Resolution 3, Point 1, Item c employing the terms socio-political organizations, social professional organizations, economic organizations… Thus from the Constitution, the law, derivative legal documents and Party documents, widely different terms are used to refer to organizations currently existing in our country; and the important fact is that such terminology usage is not unified, with political organizations implicitly recognised but not officially explained as being the Party’s organizations. The above usage of terminology clearly indicates, with the concept of Association being elucidated, a state of disarray. And this is also a cause leading to different viewpoints in the determination of the subjects of application of the Law of Association. For that reason, to determine precisely the subjects of application of this Law, the concept of Association must be determined first, the particular characteristics of this organization should be clearly defined. In our opinion, they are:
- The Association is an organization without public power, i.e. not a State agency, a public authority.
- The Association is not a political organization, i.e. not an organization whose formation based on the solidarity of individuals with a common worldview who operate with the aim of asserting that worldview through political means, that is to say through participating in the exercise of power and contesting for social power. In our country, the social organization tacitly recognised by all is the Vietnam Communist Party. The Party is the leader of the political system: this system is understood as the mechanism through which the people exercise their power.
+ Economic organizations; these organizations are formed with the aim to engage in an enterprise, to procure profits, being opposite to the non-profit nature of Associations.
+ The voluntary nature in the solidarity of citizens and organizations for forming Associations.
+ Associations work in a regular, stable manner for the common aims of members on the basis of professional interests, preferences and developmental aspiration of members.
+ [Associations are] Oriented towards the common objectives of social development in Vietnam, these objectives being: “A wealthy people, a strong country, a just, democratic and civilized society.”
+ Associations participate in the mechanism of critical appraisal of society with regards to the activities of the political Party and the Government, ensuring the legitimate rights and interests of members.
+ Associations are governed by law and has juridical status of a legal entity.
With the above characteristics in mind, the authors of the 6th Draft Law of Association put forward a definition in Article 4: “An Association is a voluntary organization with juridical status of a legal entity, operates regularly, for non-profit purposes, with the aim of protecting legitimate rights and interests of its members, contributing to the national socio-economic development.” This is not yet sufficient, nor precise. The Association is not a voluntary organization but a voluntary gathering (alliance) of citizens, nor is it a gathering of individuals, but is also an alliance of an Association with some other Associations to become a Federation. The important factor in that alliance is the voluntary nature, the stability of the basis of common interests, preferences, the compliance with the collective orientation in social development, via means of implementing and maintaining the members’ common wish. The concept of an Association in our opinion must be able to express all the above specific attributes.
Secondly: All organizations with the above attributes are subjects of application of the Law of Association. However, because of the particular characteristics of each country, especially of the particular political system that each has, the concepts of an Association for all countries do not completely resemble each other. For Vietnam with the political system as a mechanism to express the people’s power, under the leadership of the Vietnam Communist Party, the Government is defined as the supporting pillar of the system, with socio-political organizations allowed to participate in the exercise of social power, at the same time to be the inspector, the social critic with regards to the issuing, implementation of guidelines, policies, laws by the Party and the Government, directly in the organising of the ranks and strata of society into members of organizations to exercise State power. In this aspect, the socio-political organizations are political by nature. However, socio-political organizations are also social. Representing their members being the ranks and strata of society, they work towards looking after and protect the legitimate interests of those ranks and strata, at the same time they pursue together with other organizations the objective of creating social harmony, for the sake of a prosperous nation, a fair, democratic and civilized society.
The political attribute and the social attribute of socio-political organizations, whose typical instance is the Vietnam Fatherland Front, are tightly interlinked, exhibit resilience through many stages of history, a factor constituting the specific characteristics and particularly important role of those organizations. Those attributes therefore cannot be watered down or separated in any way. Thus, in our opinion, Article 3 of the 6th draft Law of Association, the Vietnam Federation of Labour Unions, the Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Group, the Vietnam Farmers’ Association, the Vietnam Veterans Association, the Vietnam Women's Union and other religious organizations, is reasonable. This does not mean, however, that these organizations operate outside the legal framework. At present, our Government has a Law of the Vietnam Fatherland Front, on the basis of implementing Article 9 of the Constitution, on the notion that the Fatherland Front is a voluntary political alliance of individuals and organizations, being the political base for people’s political power, it operates with the purpose of promoting the tradition of mass solidarity, heightening popular consensus on political and moral issues of the people, contributing to the construction and reinforcing of the people’s political power, together with the Government, taking care and protecting legitimate interests of the people, mobilizing the people in exercising their control, solemnly implementing the Constitution and the law, supervising activities of State agencies, elected representatives and cadres, officials of the government. The member organizations of the Front, among them the five socio-political organizations as mentioned above, possess a position and a character like those of the Front, at the same time having a position and socio-political character compatible with the attributes of the ranks and strata of society whom they represent. Meanwhile, the Law of the Vietnam Fatherland Front mainly stipulates generally about the Front. Therefore if this Law is not applicable to socio-political organizations then it is necessary to add to the Law of the Fatherland Front those stipulations about socio-political organizations, or to issue a Law of Socio-political Organization replacing the current Law of the Vietnam Fatherland Front.
Thirdly: Vietnam is on the course of renovation, construction and development of a socialist-oriented market economy, at the same time implementing the policy of integration into the world economy. Under the impact of market mechanism and globalisation/internationalisation trend, at the same time the powerful impact of achievements from the scientific and industrial revolution leading to great shaking-up in the class structure of society, structure and mechanism to serve interests, in social psychological state, in lifestyle… All those aspects constitute the whole of the mechanism of governing by law, which includes the implementation of the law. For that reason, the renovation of legislative activities to adapt to the above changing situation is objective, in that it is necessary to enhance the predictability and orientation of all laws. The important thing in dealing with these issues related to democratic institutions, among them the Association, is to adhere to the principle of Government by rule of law: individuals, organizations are allowed to do all the things not prohibited by law.
A CONTRIBUTION OF IDEAS TO THE DRAFT LAW OF ASSOCIATION
Dr PHAM VAN TAN
Vietnam Federation of Science & Technology Associations
The draft Law of Association is a carefully researched work of the collective of the drafting group. The 7th draft has already had a number of amendments made on legal basis through several seminars run by the Interior Ministry, Federations and agencies to do with other than organizations or opinions expressed on the mass media. The attitude of seeking visibility, promoting democracy in the preparation of the documents on legal provisions, listening to opinions from the subjects-to-be covered by the governing scope of the legal document, have been necessary and to be valued and respected.
Nevertheless, we would like to express a number of our ideas surrounding some contents of the Law of Association related to the existence and development of socio-political organizations as follows:
I. The content of the Law of Association is essentially that of Decree 88CP.
Decree 88/2003/ND-CP issued on 30-7-2003 has revealed restrictive aspects of the law over Federated Association activities as well as over the socio-political organizations, which have been established and guided in their activities by the Party. Firstly: Decree 88 has created a differential way of dealing with socio-political organizations. In official Party documents, the Federated Associations have been defined as socio-political organizations of the scientific and industrial intelligentia, but Decree 88 has homogenised Federated Associations, the Party’s socio-political organizations with a function of assembling, uniting the Party-following section of the intelligentia by means of social professional and occupational organizations. Secondly: When the State management function of the Ministries and Departments was stipulated, it was understood that such provisions put agencies in charge of professional associations, mixing it into the set functions assigned to these agencies, leading to a tendency to bureaucratize those government services in need of being transferred to NGO’s, professional associations, who are waiting for the Government to gradually transfer public services to professional associations in order to create favourable conditions for association professional activities in the sense of being self-funded, self-responsible and in compliance to the rule of law.
2. The Party’s guiding viewpoints on socio-political organizations must be closely followed to in designing the Law of Association.
In contributing ideas on the Draft Law of Association, many researchers, leading cadres of Party and Government agencies have suggested that members of the drafting team have not studied carefully the official Party documents in reference to socio-political organizations such as the Vietnam Union of Science and Technology Associations, the Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations who have been established and guided in activities by the Party. As a result, in the Draft Bill, the Party leadership of the intelligentia – being one of the three forces constituting the Workers-Peasants-Intellectuals alliance under Party leadership – was removed. It is therefore necessary to study the Party and Government documents in order to grasp complete penetration of the Party’s viewpoints on socio-political organizations, among them the Federated Associations or Unions of Associations. And we will see clearly the Party’s process of taking cognisance of the position and role of the Federated Association as an organization representing our nation’s intelligentia.
In practice, the Federated Associations’ activities are guided by the Politbureau, the Central Party Secretariat, and directly by the Central Party Department of Science and Education. Organizing General Meetings, selecting the Heads of Federated Associations agencies and General Meeting staff are done by the Politbureau, the Party Secretariat who give guiding inputs, on the basis of nominations to the Personnel Department of the Central Committee as proposed leaders for Federated Associations. The Federations’ regulations are to be approved by the Government. Summing-up Report and draft Regulations for the Federated Associations presented at the General Meeting have already been lodged with the Party Secretariat for [approval of] the contents of the Report as well as the draft Regulations. Thus the stature of the Federated Association has surpassed the legal provisions for an ordinary professional Association in tenets, aims of activities, formation criteria, and in managing Federation of Associations. Representatives of the Central Party Departments of Ideological and Cultural Affairs, of Science and Education and Ministry of Science and Industry (circular 932/BKHCN-KHCNN sent to the Government Office) maintain that the Draft Law is not suitable for the socio-political organizations, the professional socio-political organizations, and is at variance with the Party’s viewpoints.
3. The concept of an Association should clearly determined, and classification of Association types should be stipulated in the Law of Association.
The Association is not an organization in the system of public authorities, i.e. it is not a State administrative agency. The Association is characterised by its voluntary nature, regular activities, and durability on the basis of professional interests, preferences and aspirations of members, oriented in the general aim of social development. Associations have the right to participate in mechanisms of critique and appraisal of society with respect to the Party’s and Government’s activities, ensuring their members’ legitimate rights and interests. The Association is not a political organization, in that it is not established on the basis of fostering solidarity of individuals of the same worldview who operate with the aim of asserting that worldview through a political trajectory, that is to say through participating in the exercise of power and contesting for social power. In our country, the social organization tacitly recognised by all is the Vietnam Communist Party. The economic organizations are not Associations either, as these organizations are founded with the aim of establishing enterprises and procuring profit, opposite to the non-profit nature of Associations. Therefore the Draft Law of Association has put forward a definition of an Association that is not yet sufficient, not precise. The Association is a voluntary gathering of citizens, not only of individuals but also an agglomeration of Associations to become Federations/Unions of Associations on the basis of being voluntary, having same interests, preferences, in the general collective orientation towards the development of society.
The above-mentioned special organizations are all subjects of application of the Law of Association. However, in our country, the political system operating as a mechanism executes the people’s power under Party leadership whereby: the Government manages, the socio-political organizations participate in the exercise of political power, at the same time these are supervisory organizations, offering critical appraisal of society with respect to the issuing and implementation of guidelines, policies and laws by the Party and the Government, directly organising the ranks and strata of society being members of the organizations to exercise State power. The political attribute and the social attribute of the socio-political organizations differ sharply from those of social organizations and professional organizations. The differences should be objectively recognized in putting forward the stipulations governing those organizations in the Law of Association. There should be therefore a classification of Associations according to the Party’s viewpoints and compatible with the general rules for all types of Associations. For the socio-political organizations, which have been established or recognized by the Party, there should be common stipulations on Association. Special Laws have been issued for governing each socio-political organization separately (for instances the Law of Fatherland Front, the Law of Youth Group, the Law of Labour Union) will be amended to govern in congruence with the Law of Association. For the case of the Law of Association not being applicable to the socio-political organizations, amendments should be made to the stipulations on socio-political organizations in the Law of Vietnam Fatherland Front, or a new Law of Socio-political Organization issued to replace the Law of Vietnam Fatherland Front. The Law of Association may be changed in name into: the Law of Non-government Organizations.
Another point to be noted is that in our country there are many official Associations, namely those with status of corporate entity (being registered, having a rubber stamp / seal) and also numerous unofficial Associations. Both forms exist and are active, therefore the Law of Association must take this reality into account, cannot neglect to have concrete articles and items governing the activities of unofficial Associations.
4. Concerning State management of Associations
Apart from the Ministry of Interior and provincial People’s Committees being responsible for the State management of the Associations, the Draft Law also reserves the right to manage them for various Ministries and Departments. This may be understood as the Associations being State-managed twice, by the Interior Ministry and by a Ministry in charge. In the Draft Law, there is a big confusion between management by the State and the administrative management of Associations. Stipulating the State’s management function for Ministries and Departments with respect to Associations will be understood as setting agencies up as parent bodies of professional associations, thus mixing this task of controlling the latter in with the functions of State management by government administrative agencies, leading to a tendency to bureaucratize Association activities. Duplicating or replicating management function not only will reduce the initiative and self-confidence of the Associations, it will also undermine the function of supervision and critical appraisal of society by Associations, and turn democracy into an empty formality. Furthermore, it will produce overlapping in management. This shortcoming has appeared in implementing the Decree 88/2003/ND-CP, created great difficulty to Associations’ activities in the intervening time.
The Law of Association is mainly a legal framework for the organization and activities of Associations, without the need to intervene deeply into the internal affairs of Associations. The Government needs only to stipulate the prohibited items, and determine the mandatory rules for the Associations to follow in abiding by the State administrative management. The Articles stipulating on Membership, Organization, Association activities, Federated Association, joining, splitting up, and dissolution of an Association may already intervene much too deeply in Associations affairs, making rigid the organization for and activities of Associations, which in the first place differ widely among themselves in organization and activity. The Associations being so diverse, as long as organization and activities comply with the law, there would be no need to narrow their compliance down to that of the Law of Association alone. It is therefore necessary to have a Law of Association, but the content of the Law must be compatible with, objective, correct on the viewpoint and guidelines of the Party, and it cannot replace the Associations’ capacity to self-manage.
SOME IDEAS TO CONTRIBUTE TO THE DRAFT LAW OF ASSOCIATION
Lawyer TRAN CONG DANG
President, Lawyers Association of Da Nang City
From a study of the 7th Draft Law of Association, I would like to contribute a few concrete propositions as follows:
Article 3: Subject of application – the solution 2 should be adopted. It is concise and at the same time convenient for future application.
Article 4: Point 1 – I would suggest adding the word “stabilization” to the phrase “contribute towards”… contribute towards the stabilization, development of society and economy of our country.
Article 7 (Item 3) and Article 39 (Item 1) – State management by the Ministry - departmental involvement is not necessary, as it will make for multiple levels and tiers. And in fact there are many Associations which the Department is not capable of managing, or which may not be put directly under any ministry or department, such as the Lawyers Association.
Article 9 (Item 5): The requirement to have independent assets and to discharge responsibility by means of those assets is not feasible, because only after forming the Association can one’s own assets be accumulated, either through Association fees or activities. Moreover, if assets are not specified as to consist of what items, having what value, then how can they be realistically accounted for? It is possible that a few pieces of furniture, a few computers are amply counted as assets.
Article 9 (Item 3); Article 12 (Item 5): The concrete necessary number of members required to form a Association should be stipulated immediately, one should not wait for a Government document to specify this;
Article 11 (Item 1 Point a): I propose to add at the end of item a [Point a?]… “able to express the particular characteristics of the Association.” Usually the name of an Association is related to its particular characteristics, the nature of the activities of that Association.
Article 12 (Item 7) – the word “have” should be deleted because it is redundant. The sentence will be changed to: The asset inventory document serves as security for Association activities.
Article 33 (Item 1), point a: to be changed to - Being Vietnamese citizen, aged fully 18 years or more (the word “fully” added). One more criterion to be added: must be a member of the Association.
Article 40 (Item 2): Joining, withdrawing from being member Association of the federation… Delete the word “being”;
Articles 43 & 44 – Subdividing, splitting up of the Association – should be merged into one article for the sake of conciseness, as essentially, subdividing and splitting are the same thing.
Article 32 (Items 4&5) – Settlement of assets when the Association is split up: I propose merging these items into one.
ISSUES SURROUNDING THE DRAFT BILL FOR THE
LAW OF ASSOCIATION
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ISSUES SURROUNDING THE DRAFT LAW OF ASSOCIATION
(Compendium of discussions organized by the Vietnam Union of Science and Technology Associations, the Vietnam Central Federation of Culture and Arts Associations and the Vietnam Lawyers Association)
DESIGNING A LAW OF ASSOCIATION IN AN ENVIRONMENT OF FREE FORMATION AND SELF-MANAGEMENT FOR ASSOCIATIONS
Associate Professor Dr DINH VAN MAU
National Institute of Administration
The idea of issuing a law of Association has surfaced for a while now, since about the early 90s. At present, this enterprise has been pushed forward by a fundamental step, that is the acquirement of a draft bill forming a base on which the specialists in this field and all those taking an interest in it can discuss and contribute.
1. As one who has done some research on this issue, I would like if I may to present a few things for consideration. First of all, from the early half of the 90s until now, traditional Associations have been reinforced, developed and many new types of Associations have appeared on a national level and even down to local scale. According to statistics from the Ministry of Interior (March 2005) there are for the whole country 301 Associations with a national scale of activity. Among these there are big Federations such as the Vietnam Union of Science and Technology Associations which covers 53 member Associations and the Federation of Culture and Arts Associations covering 10 Specialised Associations and 61/64 Alliances of provincial Literature and Art Associations. At the provincial level, there are 2155 Associations approved for formation by the Provincial People’s Committees, together with a number of Associations at district level. Why is this so? There are many causes, among them the recognition of the market economy lifting the role of “interest/benefit” factors to prominence. Many groups with common interests have appeared and need to be insured, protected by means of an organization with the characteristics of an association.
Secondly, social organizations need to be official (recognized by the State) and unofficial (recognized by the group). Social organization exists in levels of administration of communities of inhabitants (for instance villages) and in organizations, including State departments/agencies. Thus, approval by the State needs to follow the multi-level principle: from Central to provincial, then district.
Thirdly, social organization is very diverse. Perhaps once the benefit of diversity is recognized, the appearance of different associations is compatible with the development of society. Diversity is unpredictable, therefore approval for formation of associations must follow the principle that such freedom can only restrained by laws with clearly defined scopes.
Fourthly, social organizations are born from collective will and its own strength. To form an association in its proper sense is to have the right to assemble its own members, to seek its own funding for expenses on activities, to set up its own mechanism for self-management, and to operate independently according to a mechanism that is beneficial to members. Thus the founders need to think about trajectory. To form an association and to set to work on its realistic survival depends on the will of the interest group; understanding (knowledge) about associations, mobilisation, resources for establishment, maintaining the association and its efficiency, organising operation are what constitute the strength of the interest group.
Fifthly, the Association manages its own affairs and is partly governed by public authorities. To build up and run a law-governed State is to place the individuals and organizations within the framework of the law and law-based management by the State, and to bring the law into effect. At the same time, it needs to be stressed that together with a law-governed State, there must be a truly civil society. The issue is to create a socially effective interaction between State and society in the direction of developmental objectives.
2. Discussions on Associations under the current condition beg the questions as to what is an Association, what is the existing situation with Associations in our country and what is the direction of their development? More important is the need of institutionalisation of Associations.
First of all, it must be affirmed that the basic principle is: The freedom to form, join and withdraw from Associations belongs to all individuals and legitimate organizations in Vietnam. This affirmation stems from the concept of the citizens as different from the subjects (feudal) in that they are free agents (including the case when they sell their labour, where it is done by their free will under contract). Freedom is their intrinsic possession, not god-given or bestowed by someone which they restore in real practice in the political system of democracy. At the same time, citizens (also subjects) possess legal powers called civil rights. Naturally the scope, limitation of the rights depend on the essential character of the political system and the socio-economic conditions. That is the potential capacity for doing anything and for being recognised as legitimate without having to carry out any act. Together with the rights, citizens also have material and non-material interests recognised as legitimate.
From this affirmation, it is proposed that the Law of Association be designed on the basis that citizens are free to form, join and leave Associations, and if the citizens need official status for their Association, they can register it with a State agency whose authority is set down is by law.
Secondly, in a law-governed State founded on civil society, Associations by all organizations and individuals must be established and operated in a legal framework and aimed to implement the law, that is to recognize the law as the supreme legal standard. And a legal framework compatible with developmental rule is necessary to ensure and protect freedom. The scope and subject of the law of Association therefore should be defined to the effect that this law recognises the Association is a free institution and it governs the relationship between the State and the Association.
The above concept of Association stems from the assertion that an Association (official or unofficial) is a necessary institution of the people in civic life. Consequently, the State must recognize that the Association is a reality born of the people’s free will. Associations exist in law-governed State therefore they must be legal; that is they must be within the framework of the law and aimed to implement the law. Thus the State has the authority to issue laws to govern the relationship between the State and Associations. Associations and the State are institutions that necessarily exist, and ought to exist in an orderly relationship. The State has the authority to manage and Associations are subjected to its management actions. However, how to manage in a way consistent with democratic politics in the system of market economy is an issue to be given attention through concrete stipulations. Whatever the stipulation can be, it may not neglect the principle of upholding the interest of the subject as central, managing is to bring benefit to society, managing does not mean to do things on behalf of Associations and to intervene into internal affairs of the free corporate body. State management in that sense is really to carry out supervision through regulations of registration, to approve of Regulations, to evaluate budgeting activities, to prevent abuse of the Association to procure profits, or do harm to members economically, to examine the participation in policy of groups, unions with unfair economic influences, to harmonise public interests.
From the above considerations, the Draft Law of Association is seen to contain stipulations that require further discussion.
Firstly, the State manages Associations by: issuing policies, mechanisms; organising implementation of policies, mechanisms and inspecting, supervising. State agencies have the right to implement those matters, not purely as responsibilities (as noted in Article 6) but as real obligations fulfilled through their material contents.
Secondly, State agencies have the right to take management measures as laid down by the law. Ministry branches and departments do not have the right to manage Associations in a “Ministry in charge” manner. Associations are responsible to the law, not to the ministry as a parent body. This has been affirmed by may Party resolutions, State legislation along principles that those who are concerned with management by branches and departments may well know. That is the difference between administrative management and business management, the separation of public administration from operation of affair units. If Associations are neither business enterprises nor affair organizations, then this principle of separation and differentiation must be applied more strictly.
Thirdly, what legal status as type of organization do the six socio-political organizations (the Fatherland Front, Federation of Unions, the Youth group, the Women’s Union, The Farmers’ Association, the Veterans’ Association) hold in society, it still is subject to review from different opinions based on the concepts of politics and non-government status.
According to the Constitution and the law on the Fatherland Front, Federation of Unions etc... these six organizations belong to the category of socio-political organizations, which means they are directly involved in politics but not in the party-led manner and not as State authorities. The socio-political organizations together with the Party and the Government form the political system. They carry out the function related to the interest of the nation, of groups and of communities. In that function, the Government is the centre of political power, the central pillar of the political system.
The socio-political organizations possess distinctive marks compared to Associations. The Associations do not directly implement political power like the Party, the Government and the socio-political organizations. Associations have voluntary members, whereas most socio-political organizations do not have (individual) voluntary members. The socio-political organizations are organised in levels like with public administration, directly linked to the organization of political power, whereas Associations are not entirely and not necessarily so. Although the socio-political organizations participate in exercising political power as stipulated, they do not manage public service, therefore there must be none whatsoever among the socio-political organizations allowed to attract Associations into the network of socio-political organizations. This is to avoid politicising the existing and future Associations.
Fourthly, the Association is ordered by regulations, unlike the Government being originally a legal order. The organization and operation of the Government is fixed by Law and regulatory documents. If the governments issue documents with the name Regulations to determine the organization or activities of a certain structure, such documents are bona fide provisions, or in the law researchers’ terminology, they are “legally vested.” From there, the content of the Law of Association chiefly creates a legal framework (model) for the organization and activities of Associations, not intervening deeply into their internal affairs.
The legal framework for Associations can be imagined to resemble a “play ground”, in which the State by its power of governing by law, only introduces prohibited items, lay down formulae for compulsory requirements (with restraining characteristics) for Associations to implement State management in order to create an administrative link between those government agencies having relevant authority and the Associations as civil corporate bodies.
From the affirmation of the concept of withdrawing public authority finance from civil corporate bodies, of which the Association is a type of structure, we need to re-examine carefully the chapters 3 (Members), 4 (Organization and Activities of Associations), 5 (Federation, splitting up and dissolution). In my opinion, their content depicts “deep intervention” into internal affairs of the Association, which means the Law takes the place of many purports of Regulations and “rigidifies” the organization and activities of Associations, who differ widely from each other in organization and in activities. As they are not public authority institutions, the Associations need not resemble each other in organization and activities, so long as substantially their organization and activities are legitimate, that is being legitimate in the wide sense of the law and not with respect to the Law of Association alone.
The Association is a very old institution, but always a new problem, as it is highly dynamic and multi-faceted. Associations belong in civil life to achieve civil objectives in the political, economical, cultural and social domains. Our country is building a law-governed State and such a State can only be governed by rule of law when it exists in a civil society. In that State, all organizations must operate within a legal framework. For that reason, a Law of Association is badly needed but this law does not have to and cannot have a structure resembling that of the law on organization of government agencies which determines a number of definite obligations, powers, and demands that the agency concerned implements them adequately, or it will be accused of dereliction if they are not fulfilled to the limit, and abuse of power if the agency oversteps that limit. The Law of Association must differ in that Associations are institutions of civil society, entitled to do everything allowed by law and in accordance with their regulations characterised by the requisite freedom to form Associations and their self-management capacity.
CONFERENCE AT THE VIETNAM UNION OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY ASSOCIATIONS (VUSTA) HEADQUARTERS, 53 NGUYEN DU STREET, HANOI ON 8 –9- 2005
REPORT
CONFERENCE TO CANVASS IDEAS FOR THE DRAFT LAW OF ASSOCIATION
(Summary)
Participants
- Prof. Academy Member Vu Tuyen Hoang and Prof. Dr Nguyen Huu Tang (Chairperson).
- Mr Nguyen Ngoc Lam, Director, Managing Bureau of NGO’s – Ministry of Interior.
- Representatives of government authorities.
- Science and Industry organizations members of the Union and individual scientists.
CONTENTS
Prof. VU TIEN HOANG
The issue to be addressed here is why Federations and Unions are placed within the governing scope of this law, while other socio-political organizations are not? Like the Decree 88, this Law does not place our Union in its proper position when referring to the alliance of workers, peasants and intellectuals.
Proposed solution 2: As long as this Law is applied to Federations but leaving the 6 socio-political organizations outside its scope, then discrimination exists, and therefore Vietnamese intellectuals are discriminated against. What can be the reason for an alliance of workers, peasants and intellectuals with intellectuals being left out? In the next stage of building the economy, I wonder how we intellectuals can keep consenting to this situation for ever. The Union has sent submission to the Central Politbureau to rectify the current way the issue is addressed. We do not demand funding, nor do we demand to be put on the same footing as the socio-political organizations but our proposal is based on the common interest in building up the nation. If we say the above alliance is the foundation, why then intellectuals are left behind? It is too late to change this. In the socialisation process of education, science and industry to motivate development and competition, intellectuals have been put at the front, like in the Constitution, but in this law, they are put at the rear, and this is not acceptable. This is wrong both in logic and in practice.
Mr PHAM SY LIEM
Vice-President, Vietnam Federation of Construction Associations
First of all, it should be asked what is the legislative aim here? Secondly, how to formulate this law. The exercise of civil rights has been stipulated by the Constitution. In forming associations, there are so many different objectives. France has laid down a law of association, but this law also governs companies, unlike in our country. We must resolve our own issues, as each country has a different set of circumstances. Social institutions also differ with each country, it is not possible to generalise. Our law is behind the French law by more than one hundred years, a reason we should now design a truly modern law. More research study is needed in logical reasoning, in consultation for critical assessment of what is in relation to our own situation.
Recently I have found out more about the civil society. Sociologists all over the world study this issue very thoroughly. The post World War 2 thinking has developed through 3 stages, and at present the attention is on modern society. The civil society is considered as one of the three components of a nation: the State, the business bloc, and civil society. Today people do not think that an elected government is a democratic one. There must be information channels to keep watch on the government, like Associations who need to have supervisory committees to act as information channels. Peaceful evolution employs fully the logic of civil society. According to a recent seminar, the civil society puts its hope in the middle class. If society progresses towards communism, all would certainly become middle class. They want to use the middle class to control or keep the wealthy class above it in check.
To mention the workers-peasants solidarity is to use a pre-Renovation concept. I do not admire at all the position of workers when I see in reality workers have to toil for foreign enterprises, and get beaten up as well. Peasants in fairly large numbers have to work for wages in Taiwan. Why is it that in modern society, the role of the middle class and intellectuals does not feature? I will leave this for the researchers to reason it out. It would be very difficult if we use old concepts to discuss law.
The Law of Association should only create a legal framework for associations to operate. Why are people required to line up and march in steps? What kind of provisions that would enable the State to operate the Associations in their stead? Bureaucratisation manifests so clearly in this thinking.
Law of the State means the State entrusts the responsibility to our organizations, whereas Associations can just abide by the Law, but the State could not stipulate that they obey this or that official. I agree with State management, but it is only right to stipulate that Associations need merely obey the Law.
The Association and the business organization directly subordinated to it are two different entities. We have the right to found a business organization, but such an organization must adhere to provisions of the business law. Non-profit Associations, on the other hand, should be tax-free. Income from the business organization to the Association must be tax-free.
Concerning State-trained professional skills, we have no need for them. The Government should stick to training their officials. There is also a need: that the Government can commission the Associations to perform some of its tasks, provide some services to the pubic.
In a number of countries, architects, lawyers who work individually on their own, like associations are assigned to self-managed. If they do not join professional charters, they can not sign documents, architect’s drawings for instances, without being registered. Only registered doctors can put their seals, signatures in prescriptions. When these things are achieved, they save the State from a cumbersome machinery and also allow Associations to develop self-manageability.
Mr LA TRONG LONG
President, Federation of Science and Technology of Hai Phong
Local Federations can not implement this law as it is set up by Municipal Executive Committees. When you submit your curriculum vitae, it does not have to go through the Ministry of Interior. The treatment of the Federations by State and Party from the Central Region to the local areas is the same as with the Fatherland Front. The Municipal Council of Ho Chi Minh City has given the Federation dozens of billion piasters to its City Branch to establish a Headquarters. Unless the Federation of Science and Technology is put under the same provisions as the other Socio-Political organizations, the situation cannot be said to reflect reality. Article 8 says they should not be the same in name, I would add that their areas of specialty should also be separated. This should also limit the situation where foreign Associations can register in the same areas as domestic Associations.
Should Public Relations Committees report, or only need to acknowledge, the time elapsed since formation has been approved? Does the State pay the expenses for an emergency general meeting if it requires to call one? If less than half the number of members turn up, what would happen? In my opinion, this article should be removed.
Regarding representation by the head of association: The Decree 108 does not stipulate like that. The question is whether the President of the Association has adequate power, as total responsibility entails the power to call general meetings and to dissolve the Association if necessary. Otherwise it’s a “straw-weight power and hefty-stone responsibility” situation.
Do Associations have the right to free speech, to publish news periodicals? Unless they do, it is pointless to form associations. In my opinion these association rights must be inscribed in the law.
Dissolution an Association: should be announced on the news media.
Mr LE XUAN THAO
President, VIFOTECH Foundation
This Law concentrates mostly on administrative management rather than on promoting the role of the Associations. It is not yet able to express the spirit of the Decree 45 and Resolution 06. I have the impression that this Law is like an extended set of Association Regulations. It lacks renovation character and appears bureaucratised. As businesses only abide by the law, so also should associations, the stipulation on State agency management should be deleted. The Central level of the Ministry of Interior, the provincial Offices of Interior Ministry can adequately be the control points for recognition of associations.
Regarding procedure, there are too many places required to be registration offices: The Ministry of Interior, the Ministry Branch in charge, district and precinct where the headquarters is… It means the number of registration control points for the formation of Associations must be increased.
Associations have the right to consult and make critical assessment of many other matters, not just those within the Association scope. For instance the unpalatable issues of water in the West Lake, if Associations can be consultants, the Government could have saved millions of dollars on this.
It is not that the Government confers any rights to Associations, it is about giving the Associations responsibility in public works, from which Associations can carry out functions with State funding. I am of the firm opinion that if the Article 2 Item 3 leaves out other Associations, it must also add Federations, Literature and Arts Associations among those.
Mr NGUYEN VAN THAT
President, Thanh Hoa Federation of Science and Economics Associations
I am most concerned about the Item 3 of Article 2. The Law provides a guideline which is not purely the work of management by State agencies. Directive 35 of 1988, Directive 45 also affirm the socio-political character of Federations, which cannot be considered as professional social organizations to be excluded. Especially in the context of promoting the role of Science and Industry in the condition of a knowledge-based economy. The perception of the issue must be put in an historical, and at the same time modern, perspective under the national condition of industrialisation.
If the law is only focussed on the management mechanism of the agency in charge, Associations will have difficulty in developing.
Mr NGUYEN AN LUONG
President, Labour Safety Association
Surrounding brother Hoang’s idea is a great question, it is a precondition of existence of this law. It is linked to the thinking concerning the intelligentia in Vietnam. Without an antecedent Decree, it is not possible to bring viewpoints into this bill.
In reality laws for Labour Union, Youth Group, Women’s Union have been in existence, but as a law for Federation of Associations has not yet come about, the latter is a victim of exclusion. Being a professional social association, we need to be governed by law. If Federations or Unions, the Writers Association, the Journalists Association are put in article 2 item 3, why are professional associations put outside the governing scope?
I propose an intermediary solution: to set aside a chapter for Federations. As socio-political organizations, they are to be governed like other organizations.
On the view that state management must improve: by opening legal corridors, promoting the role of operating in the corridor, and penalty for infringement. With this view, the idea that the State’s function is to register, to raise professional skills, is not advisable. The State should only manage the processing the registration.
Article 37: the rights of Associations are not yet correct. We are carrying out socialisation, the role of Associations must involve much more participation. The participation in developing economy and society, managing society has not been addressed, as reference is only made strictly on association affairs. Participation through consultancy, critique, appraisal tasks have not been clarified, and it stays vague because the word ‘appraisal’ is being avoided. Meanwhile, the role of Associations in fighting corruption must be clearly recognised as paramount.
This law is unique in placing the supervising committee on the same level as the managing or executive committee. Is this mechanism set up in the fear that Associations will tend to operate wrongfully, so that such mechanism is deemed necessary as counter measure? I would propose that the supervisory committee should be appointed by the executive committee and not elected at the general meeting.
Article 27: proceedings of the general meeting… are written like a set of Association regulations. The Law must serve as a set of guidelines only, why should there be the need for such stipulations?
I propose that we must report to the Politbureau. If the Federations have not yet grown to their appropriate size, then there is no rush to have a separate law. They should not be equated with their member Associations. The role of the intelligentia must be effectively manifested.
Mr DUONG TRUNG QUOC
General Secretary, Vietnam History Science Association
In the past 60 years we have not neglected the traditional factor. Every seven years the law is amended, its life is not long. It reflects our standard of drafting laws. If the commonly used concept is Association, what then is an Association? According to this draft, the meaning is superficial and has many flaws.
We also avoid an historical fact: the complexity related to politics. The former nature of our Party was the Association. Due to its political aims, it was illegal at that time. The true nature of Labour Unions is political. Whether our Federations are political or not, this needs to be clearly determined. I think if everything is directed towards the good of the country, then no Association is political. If there are exceptions, it would be difficult to integrate into the world economy.
We have to accept whether the issue is traditional or in transition. If the state of transition is not recognised, laws cannot be practical in real life, and furthermore will cause harmful damage. It is necessary ti create appropriate corridors, and accept that amendments will continue to be made in the next 5-10 years. International integration is imperative, but it must be gradual.
If we go back to the principle of 60 years ago, it is necessary to clarify: this Law is about the right to form Associations. Unless we can do this, we will not avoid feeling we are stepping backward in history, even in comparison to our friends. There must be security in the formation of Associations. The Decrees of 1956, 1957 have mentioned the right to form Associations, which must heighten our efforts, our awareness of citizens’ democracy.
The Associations are allowed to have member Associations by stipulations, but the Federation is not a subject for governing. The draft document is thought to be water tight, in fact it is very loose. It has the characteristics of being the corridor for forming many branch associations, and liable to lead to an almost ungoverned situation.
The basic principle must be assured: continuity, transitional process, ensuring integration.
Prof NGUYEN HUU TANG
All of you comrades have expressed your views passionately, responsibly since this morning. The Party Group in Federations will have official views later.
I would like to sum up:
The Law of Association brings about a progressive step. If it is spacious, open, it will be able to mobilize all the people’s strength. To foreign countries, they would see how open our society is, and whether it is capable of integration into international economy. Therefore we should not be hasty in issuing a law when preparation is not yet thorough. This law will affect the whole of society, and many people. That is why it is imperative to ensure maintaining democratic freedom and creativity for development to be possible.
The Law is on a large scale, it is impossible to write it at a micro-level. Existing in our society… are tightly organized socio-political groups, but they are hardly more tightly organized than the Unions or Federations of Associations. The social professional groups, and a group larger than these is society itself. It is imperative therefore to determine clearly which group is which in order to govern, and not get confused. Lack of equality should not allowed to manifest.
Foreign countries will find it difficult to interact with mass-organizations. As it is the Law is not correct in carrying out Decree 45 of the Politbureau. Should we design a law with orientation-guiding characteristics or one with tight bureaucratic management nature? If it is on a large scale, it should be pure law and not the details covering the social organizations.
I concur with brother Duong Trung Quoc’s view: the Law is about the right to form Association. It must determine the responsibility of the State towards Associations.
For publicising, we only need to have a framework law. The question of ideas, opinions, and petitions required to be submitted, these must be written in decree-formulated documents. We could design just a small, compact law, of a framework nature. If we could participate in the drafting committee, we will be able to directly contribute our views.
There is a confusion between social professional organizations and public authorities. Why does the Government have to embrace wholesale all affairs and activities, instead of promoting the strengths of professional associations such as in management, supervision? If this confusion continues, it will be very difficult to work.
I propose: if the draft bill is to be introduced at the end of the year, more careful research, clear stipulations of functions and responsibilities of Unions/Federations of Associations are needed. I am thoroughly undecided about the content of the present draft.
CENTRAL OFFICE OF THE VIETNAM FEDERATION OF CULTURE AND ART ASSOCIATIONS
51, TRAN HUNG DAO, HANOI, 28TH OCTOBER 200..
REPORT ON THE CANVASSED IDEAS PRESENTED AT THE CONFERENCE ON THE “LAW OF ASSOCIATION”
Participants:
- Presidents, Vice-presidents, Editors-in-Chief of Central Culture and Art Associations which include: the Vietnam Fine Art Association, the Vietnam Musicians Association, the Vietnam Cinematography Association, the Vietnam Popular Performative Arts Association, the Vietnam Art Photographers Association, the Vietnam Actors Association, the Vietnam Architects Association, the Vietnam Culture and Art Association for Ethnic Minorities, Local Culture and Art Associations of Phu Tho, Ha Tay, Hoa Binh, Hai Duong, Thai Binh, Ninh Binh provinces.
- Representatives from Central Agencies: Comrade Do Kim Cuong, Head of Performative Arts Department, Central Committee for Cultural Ideology; Comrade Nguyen Van Sim, Deputy Head of NGO Department, Ministry of Interior; Comrade Hoang Van Tan, Deputy Secretary General, Vietnam Federation of Economics Science.
CONTENT PROCEEDINGS
Comrade LE PHUC, Permanent Vice-President of the Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations, declares the reason for organising the conference, introduces participating representatives, and lists the required objectives of the conference.
Prof Dr TO NGOC THANH
President, Vietnam Popular Performing Arts Association
The Association of Culture for Fatherland Salvation came to existence in 1943, since then has always operated under Party leadership and marched in step with the nation’s development. According to you comrade, the Law of Association document cannot equate all Associations in its content, contains many issues, many articles, items and chapters that are irrational (Who leads? Who manages? It is not made clear. In the process of operation, with whom reports are lodged and from whom permissions are requested? Does not the Ministry of Culture and Information have adequate capacity to manage the creative activities in literature and arts..?) We propose that the Ministry of Interior exercises caution and wisdom in the drafting and issuing of documents.
Comrade CHU CHI THANH
President, Vietnam Art Photographers Association
- A number of articles in the document are not yet clear, not quite sensible, especially the chapters, articles and items on the economic and financial issues of Associations, how to distribute profits to ensure legality and compliance with economic principles.
- Specific activity and import of each Association differ, it is not possible to equate Culture and Arts Associations with Bee Keeping or Gardening Associations…
Comrade BINH NGUYEN
President, Culture and Arts Association of Ninh Binh
- The document contains many shortcomings, forced levelling of statuses, organizational regimes, scale of activity, specificity of operation for socio-political organizations and socio-political professional organizations needing clear definitions.
- It is imperative to clarify and cogently affirm the leadership role of the Party, the management tasks of the State and administrative role of the Government in Association-type organizations. The text of the law must embody all viewpoints, policies, guidelines, ideological stances, especially the basic spirit of the Decrees of the Party, being the major directive orientation for activities of Associations. The Ministry of Interior needs to have concrete and uniform written documents on such issues as permanent staff organization, regulations for organization of activities…
Asst Prof TRAN LUAN KIM
President, Vietnam Cinematography Association
- We concur with the above views, however, what is our opinion on the content of this document? In my view, this is a big and regrettable mistake in perception on the part of the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Finance. Such a homogenizing evaluation is very disappointing.
- The issuing of the Law is necessary, et the contents in each chapter, section, article appear to be extremely contradictory, going against the spirit of the Central Resolution 5.
Musician DO DONG QUAN
President, Vietnam Musicians Association
- According to you comrade, this is not a law, being an extremely passive document with an unconvincing content, totally unacceptable. I would like to remind you and stress that after the great success of the General Meeting of the Central Culture and Arts Professional Associations, when the Culture and Arts world is feeling enthused and excited in a healthy atmosphere to continue with creating valuable cultural and art works in the service of the Fatherland, of the people, the above document appears as a “thunderbolt” announcing a “cold hard rain.”
Writer DO KIM CUONG
Head, Department of Performative Arts, Central Information and Culture Committee
- The view of the Central Cultural Ideology Committee is that it always supports the formation and standardising the institutional organization of activities such that they can embody the Party policy, viewpoint and ideology on the issue of Culture and Art. Regrettably, the document contains too many irrational issues still. Without recognising and evaluating the great efforts of those in the field of Culture and Art, a number of articles put under constraint, impede the creative development of Culture and Art. Many purports contradict each other, even go against the spirit of National Assembly Resolutions. Perhaps expert advisors are required to participate in designing and finalising the above document.
Poet PHAM TIEN DUAT
Chief Editor, Vietnamese Performing Arts Forum Magazine
The design and introduction of the Draft Law of Association to the National Assembly is necessary, but it may require reconsideration right from naming. I think it should be called the “Law on NGO’s in Vietnam” and Culture and Art Associations should not be included in its scope.
Musician NGUYEN THANH VIEN
President, Culture and Arts Association of Hoa Binh
The document on the Law of Association does not express fully the spirit of the Central Government Resolution 5 (8th Congress); Directive 18 of Party Secretariat, Central Government Resolution 10 (9th Congress). The issues of religion, causing unrest among ethnic minorities in the western highland provinces, have deep impact on general development, of which culture is a part. Legal provisions and practical measures are necessary but attention must also be paid to rational quality and timeliness.
Comrade LE CHUC
President, Vietnam Theatre Actors Association
We need to consolidate our viewpoints in order to build our law. It must have a high degree of representation for those in the Culture and Arts field. This text creates a chain reaction of intense disagreement.
Artist TRAN KHANH CHUONG
President, Vietnam Fine Art Association
In the struggle to build a law-governed State, there must be law and activities must ensure their legality. However the law is developed and implemented, it must be done in the care and thorough understanding of the Party’s line, viewpoint on literature and arts, following closely the nation-wide developmental situation, the political and unsurpassed nature of Socialism. The content of this text is not yet rational, being contradictory in its subject matters, revealing a confused position. This document must be re-studied in greater depth to ensure full rights and sustained development of culture and arts along the Party line.
Comrade HOANG VAN TAN
Deputy Secretary General, Vietnam Federation of Economic Science Associations.
I am in full sympathy as we have compatible perceptions and share basic attitude towards this document. The Vietnam Federation of Economic Science Associations has many Associations with diverse, multilateral functions, beyond the managing reach of the Ministry of Interior, Provincial People’s Committees. Therefore, this document does not satisfactorily meet the common expectation.
REPRESENTATIVE OF VIETNAM ARCHITECTS COMMUNITY
We agree with the views, that the content of the document has not yet stipulated concretely on the organised system for Associations, from Federations to Central professional Associations. We propose that the Ministry of Interior stipulates more clearly by a tighter document, but it should be more dynamic and flexible in order to respond to the demands of the creative development of Culture and Arts.
Associate Prof Artist VU GIANG HUONG
President, Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations
- The issue of designing the draft Law of Association is one of necessity. I think that the Law of Association must guarantee the rights of those working in the scientific, culture and arts fields… It must embody democracy and human rights. It must unite the various strata of people, enforce solidarity between the intelligentia in culture and arts and in science with peasants, workers and other strata.
- The Law of Association not applicable to the 6 Associations and religious organizations, are these Associations outside the law or are they the Party’s organizations(?) Therefore, it is proposed that references to the 6 Associations and religious organizations must be clearly made in the Law of Association, possibly set aside completely in a separate Chapter.
- In Article 4, chapter 1, to the clause “contributing to the economic social development of the nation…” the word cultural must be added.
- In Article 5, how are activities of the Associations involving the work of the Government to be funded by the Government?
- Article 19 must be re-examined.
- As we have known, the former identity of the Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations is the Association of Culture for Fatherland Salvation, officially formed in 1948 under the direct leadership of the Party Central Executive Committee, and the Culture and Arts Associations have successfully carried out the tasks of developing culture and arts since then. When the Central Committee’s Resolution 5 was made (8th Congress), the Culture and Arts Associations were defined as professional Socio-political Associations. The conclusion of the Central Committee Resolution no. 10 on continuing to implement Resolution 5 has provided us with directive guidelines for the Culture and Arts Associations, affirming their great contribution in building the moral intellectual foundation for society.
- As mentioned above, the birth of the Law of Association is necessary, but this Law of Association as drafted by the Ministry of Interior (in its 6th version) has yet to be appropriate to the Culture and Arts Associations and Vietnam Economic Science Associations. It can be said this is an unacceptable document, as the relationship between the Ministry of Interior and the Culture and Arts and Economic Science Associations is one of co-ordination. The Ministry of Interior should only manage the Associations on the State administrative basis, but should not manage their professional activities.
PETITION
1. The Culture and Arts Associations from Central to local areas with a membership of 30,000 artists and writers is a large Federation, with the prestige of being founded nearly 60 years ago by the Party. Therefore, to guarantee democratic rights, justice, to encourage creative activities by artists and writers in the construction of a progressive example of culture and arts for the nation, the Ministry of Interior needs to draft a separate Law or a separate Chapter stipulating the activities of the Culture and Arts Associations from Central to local areas, the operational foundation for which is to resemble that of the 6 socio-political Associations (as expressed in the 10th Central Committee Meeting).
2. The drafting of the Law of Association must take departure from the spirit of the Resolutions, Central Party Directives and needs to have participation from professional experts to directly contribute constructive ideas.
SUMMING UP OF CONFERENCE
Comrade LE PHUC
Permanent Vice-President, the Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations
Though the conference today, we have been united in our viewpoints and have expressed our disagreeing attitude towards this document. The Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations will combine the views and prepare a petition to the National Assembly before the draft bill is to be passed.
CONFERENCE AT THE VIETNAM UNION OF SCIENCE & TECHNOLOGY ASSOCIATIONS (VUSTA) HEADQUARTERS
53 NGUYEN DU ST., HANOI, 23rd DECEMBER 2005
SCIENTISTS PROPOSE A NEW DRAFT
- In one week, the experts of the Vietnam Federation of Science and Technology Associations completed a draft with 6 chapters, 58 articles.
- The governed subjects introducing a new draft is a rare thing in the history of legislation!
In the afternoon 23rd December, the Vietnam Federation of Science and Technology Associations (VUSTA) called a meeting to announce a main text of collected proposed views amending the Interior Ministry’s draft Law of Association. Of highly special interest was that they also introduced a new draft bill designed by the scientists themselves… after one week’s working on it. The Representatives of Research Committee of the Prime Minister and of the Government Office were surprised and delighted with this eventuality.
Mr TRAN QUOC THUAN
Deputy Director, National Assembly Office
There Has Never Been A Draft Bill With Such A Comprehensive Proposal Contributed To It!
The fact that scientists, having declared the draft Law of Association as not meeting its demands, took upon themselves to write a new one, is a highly laudable effort. This should be valued as a positive contribution. If the draft they produce is agreeably received by many people, there is a great possibility it will become law.
The National Assembly is a parliament house activity. And the principle of parliament houses is the making of decisions by majority vote. If you can persuade the National Assembly, your draft will become law, and your viewpoint meets the demands. The introduction of a new draft is a contribution of ideas and not aimed as replacement, ignoring the draft committee. In other words, “I work pro bono for you and I have the right to introduce a work competitive to yours.” This is form of total contribution of ideas, should be applauded by public opinion, as it expresses democracy. Until now, I have not personally seen a draft bill receiving contributing ideas in so total a manner as to have a completely new document introduced like that.
Only Govern The Relationship As Arising
After more than ten years, the 8th draft Law of Association produced by the Ministry of Interior has as many as nine chapters, 61 articles. However, as the HCM City Law Magazine has informed, at the meeting for gathering opinions on 13th December before its introduction to the Government, the draft has encountered strong reactions from the professional and scientists groups. As a result, in barely one week the scientists of VUSTA have proposed a new draft with six chapters, 58 articles. The fundamental difference with the VUSTA draft regards this law only as governing the relationship between the State and Associations as it arises during the formation, organization and operation of Associations. On the other hand, the Interior Ministry’s draft regards this law as an instrument to manage Associations, as well as to stipulate the procedures for formation and activities of Associations. Nevertheless, VUSTA is also “diplomatic” in introducing solution number two: the principal text based on the amending of the Ministry of Interior’s draft.
Dr (of Law) Hoang Ngoc Giao, representing the VUSTA group of authors, stated that their amendments are based on the principle that the Government acknowledges that the citizens’ right to form associations is already enshrined in the Constitution. Therefore the provisions for organizing and operating Associations reduce the danger of bureaucratization, enabling Associations to be more active, promoting more creative ideas for the community. Analysing the danger of “unofficial” associations such as Aged Care Association, Same-Origin Friendship Association… being vulnerable to be (bureaucratically) “tormented”, Mr Giao said: “The Interior Ministry’s draft is not yet thorough, that’s is why VUSTA proposes that both the registered and the non-registered Associations must be recognized. However, un-registered Associations cannot open bank accounts under the Association’s name, cannot have a seal, cannot conduct businesses as a corporate entity.”
On the procedure of forming an Association, Mr Giao says the amendments made are based on the principle of registering without the need of applying for permission. The Interior Ministry also says registration, however procedure-wise, it is “really complicated by its four stages, and further it is not clear,” thus it is practically an application process. Therefore we have designed that after a certain number of days informing the State authority, the founding committee has the right to call a general meeting without an approval document. Mr Giao affirms that “registration is only aimed at ensuring that the State authorities have reliable information on the Associations” and making clear that the mechanism of settling disputes is the administrative tribunal when public servants abuse their power over Associations.
Except For Prohibitions, Associations Can Do Everything
Dr Giao stress especially the management role of the State with respect to Association activities imperatively as “being law abiding. It is like the provisions of activities related to health, the environment… must adhere to the stipulations by those relevant Ministries. On the other hand, it is necessary to design such that everyone working at the Associations are liable to be subjected to supervision and inspection by the special State agencies.” The group of authors also suggest that a registry of Associations needs to be set up and this registry must be regularly announced publicly and listed on the Internet. “The funding bodies therefore can access the addresses they need; government officials can also get hold of the number of Associations operating in their domains of governance”, says Mr Giao.
Dr Giao states that instead of general prohibitions, such as “this illegal activity harms the interest..”, the VUSTA authors design practically that there are seven acts to be prohibited. “More can be added if necessary but once listed, it means apart from these prohibited items, Associations can do any other things. It is different from the fact that public servants are only allowed to do the things stipulated by law.”
Of special interest is the elaboration the VUSTA authors made about listing in the law those services the State can commission Associations to provide, which “must adhere to the public tendering principle. Otherwise, this could easily lead to negative consequences, as in many cases even where only a simple transfer is involved, for instance in the hunger abolition and poverty reduction area…”
The VUSTA Vice-President, Associate Prof Dr Ho Uy Liem, adds if the stipulation is not clear, arbitrary intervention from State authorities will take place. “The Federation of Medicine and Pharmacy Associations is under our management, but at our General Meeting, the Ministry of Health sends a Vice-Minister over to stand as candidate without consulting us.” The President of the Federation of Literature and Art Associations, artist Gang Huong, also agrees: “A perusal reveals the draft law written by you comrades as containing many reasonable items. We have worked well so far together with the Ministry of Culture and Information, signing a set of regulations every two years. Only when we have to adhere to the law, such as sending paintings overseas for exhibitions, permission from the Ministry is requested. Even in elections, only the number of votes counts, whereas someone introduced by the executives is not trusted. The Law of Association must help them to develop, not to leave it to the Ministry to dictate over Associations.”
Draft Law Must Incorporate Ideas from the Subjects It Is Meant to Govern
Mr Pham Tuan Khai, Deputy Head of Government Office’s Draft Committee, says: “I think your work today is excellent. If this can be done with all laws, it would be superb. The Government Decree 101 recently issued has stressed that it is necessary to gather the views of subjects over whom the law is meant to govern, to see how it will affect them. I must say on reading what you comrades have written, they are things of deep concern. Scientifically speaking, these proposed views are appropriate and worth discussing.” Mr Khai completely agrees with the innovative idea of forming and setting up public registry for Associations. “I also applaud the fact that you comrades have listed the acts to be prohibited, the more concrete they are, the better. Our view is that this law only stipulates the right of citizens to form associations, practical matters should be left to Association regulations.”
Madame Pham Chi Lan of the Prime Ministerial Research Committee, declares: “I personally prefers the draft proposed by the VUSTA experts to the 8th draft of the Interior Ministry, because it states more clearly about the types of Associations and it is more encompassing, more rational, especially the recognition of non-registered types of Association as it is the legitimate right of citizens.” Mme Lan repeats her past view in that the stipulation for State management by a Ministry in charge and People’s Committees “is unnecessary.” She says: “I work at the Chamber of Commerce for so many years now without having to report to the Hoan Kiem District, and they in no way can understand our nationwide activities. My most general idea is to respect absolutely the right to form associations, to create conditions for Associations to operate but not to check up on them.”
Dr Nguyen Vi Khai of the Prime Ministerial Research Committee exclaims: “The work of today’s session is extremely useful!”, as he has recognised that a price will have to be paid for having a law drafted in the isolation of four walls, that is when it is thrust into real life later. To Mr Khai, the progress towards an egalitarian civil society is necessary, and history will turn a new leaf. He promises that after Government members contribute their views, if the Prime Minister, before signing for introducing it to the National Assembly Standing Committee, proposes that the Research Committee to be the “goal keeper”, they will present the views as have been exchanged here.
In summing up, Assoc Prof Dr Ho Uy Liem says there has been a high number of agreed points, and a few points of disagreement still as there are differences in thinking. He hopes that before introducing it to the National Assembly, there will be many occasions yet for exchange of views with the drafting agency.
PHAM LOI
(Ho Chi Minh City Law Magazine, 26 – 12 – 2005)
CONFERENCES ORGANIZED BY VIETNAM LAWYERS ASSOCIATION AND VIETNAM FEDERATION OF SCIENCE AND ECONOMICS ASSOCIATIONS
To carry out the duty of participating in drafting laws and critically appraising policies, the reach agreement with the Interior Ministry in the spirit of Circular 1674/BNV-TCPCP dated 7/7/2005, the Vietnam Lawyers Association, the Vietnam Federation of Science and Technology Associations and the Interior Ministry’s NGO Bureau have collaborated in organising 3 scientific seminars contributing ideas for the draft Law of Association at three zones:
- Northern zone: on 21-10-2005 organised at Chi Linh, Hai Duong province.
- Central zone: on 18-11-2005, organised at the City of Da Nang.
- Southern zone: on 20-12-2005, organised at Bien Hoa, Dong Nai province.
Representatives attending the seminars were members of the Draft Committee, the Editorial Board for the Law of Association, Home Affairs Branch of Central Party Committee, Foreign Affairs Branch of Central Party Committee, Ministry of Finance, Central Committee of the Vietnam Fatherland Front, leaders of Associations with nationwide operation, scholars, legal experts with knowledge of association activities.
Below are excerpts of a number of texts presented at the above seminars.
VIETNAM FEDERATION OF FRIENDSHIP ORGANIZATIONS
IDEAS CONTRIBUTED TO THE 6TH DRAFT LAW OF ASSOCIATION
I. Constraints and Shortcomings in the Draft Law
The draft bill has a number of very basic constraints as follows:
1. The draft has not created a legal basis to ensure the unification of Vietnamese mass movements to serve the objective of achieving national unity.
The “stratification”, splitting 6 socio-political groups and those “Associations without members” off from the ranks of subjects for whom this Law applies did not allow a wholistic approach to the system of grassroots organizations of Vietnam, in order to determine the relationships between grassroots organizations, to promote the central role of the socio-political organizations in Vietnamese mass movements. This is also the result of a “levelling scarifying” approach towards all the organizations being subjected to the application of stipulations in the draft bill, without distinguishing the role and position of the socio-political organizations, the wide ranging organizations of mass alliances with a Party leadership mechanism, from those of other organizations.
The determination of procedure for forming an Association as referred to in the Draft also create a danger for pluralising mass movements in Vietnam. With these stipulations, any group of individuals can form an entirely new youth organization independent of the Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Group, or a new friendship organization independent of the Vietnam Federation of friendship organizations, the organizations of intellectuals, journalists, writers, lawyers etc… completely independent of the socio-political organizations who currently exist and operate under Party leadership.
The provisions for Associations as raised in the draft have not catered for the fact that we have many mass organizations with an ordered system going from Central to local regions, their establishment, and therefore the conditions and procedures of formation do not resemble those of independent Associations.
2. Many provisions of the Draft do not sit well with the reality and trend of diversification in assembly forms of current mass movements.
The draft only offers one model for organising Associations with stipulations that are too concrete, pertaining to the internal affairs of Associations (for instances Article 14, main purports of Association regulations; Article 16, principal content of the general meeting to form an Association; Chapter 3 on Members, Article 20, Membership of the Association; Article 21, Official members; article 22, Associate members; Article 23, Honorary members; Article 27, Organization structure of the Association; Article 27, Skeletal contents of general meetings for term elections; Article 30, Principle of voting; Article 32, Responsibility and power of the executives etc…)
The rigid application of a model for organization is not compatible with the diversification trend of organising forms for today’s mass organizations.
3. The determination of relationship between the State and Associations is not yet adequate and contains inappropriate subject matters.
The draft has not produced a legal basis enabling the Government to classify the mass organizations, establish levels of different relations with respect to different types of organization; such as the type of organization with regular partnership relations, or the type of organization with partnership relation depending on programs and projects etc… The above establishment of the legal basis is very necessary in reinforcing the political system, create the bond between the Government and the core socio-political organizations, promoting the role of the organizations in various facets of the political, economic and social life. This is a method that even Western nations apply to maintain and reinforce their own political systems.
The draft has not produced a legal basis enabling the Government to transfer a number of function to mass organizations in order to implement and to meet the requirements of a socialisation policy from the Party and the State.
The stipulation on the Government distributing the task of “State management of organization” of the Associations among the Ministries in reality is establishing a subjective mechanism, which is incompatible with the policy to promote the role of partnership, of critical appraisal of society by mass organizations, and is at odd with the reality that many associations operate in many areas, towards many objectives, with the policy to cut down on staff level in the administrative machinery.
4. The draft lacks many stipulations, measures of sanction so basic and necessary for ensuring social stability and security, national benefit and safety.
The draft does not stipulate which types of association are not allowed to be formed. This is extremely necessary to found a legal base for State functional agencies and processing levels, as there will be certainly many complex situations springing up in practice.
The draft has not paid sufficient attention to the issue of State management of Association finances. This is a vital issue that is given great attention by all Western countries, considered as the most effective means to supervise and manage the activities of Associations.
The draft does not yet have concrete stipulations about external relations of the Associations. Who can receive funding from overseas? In what conditions can it be received? What purposes is it used for? What purposes can it not be used for? According to what principle do Associations join international organizations? Which international organizations they are not allowed to join? Which Associations have the right to represent a rank of Vietnamese citizens in a certain international multilateral mechanism, organization or forum?
The text content on formation of foreigners associations and foreign organizations in Vietnam is still too sketchy, not able to establish a legal basis on which our Government can stipulate concrete provisions for formation procedure, scope and area of activities.
II. Some Suggestions and Proposals
The issuing of the Law of Association ought to respond to some needs of the nature of principle as follows:
- To create conditions conducive to formation and operation of Vietnamese mass organizations in meeting the demands of the Vietnamese public.
- To ensure the unity of Vietnamese mass movements under Party leadership; to diversify in form but not to pluralize; to guarantee national autonomy and security, not to let foreign organizations and individuals interfere in our internal affairs;
- To create conditions for establishing partnership relations between mass organizations and the State, to intensify socialisation through the promotion of the role of mass organizations in the political, economic, and social life of the nation;
From such standpoint, we would like to put forward a few proposals as follows:
1. Regarding the subjects of application: they should be all Vietnamese citizens and citizens’ organizations (except perhaps the religious organizations, but the large socio-political organizations and Vietnamese NGO’s should not be excluded). The foreign individuals and organizations should not yet be included in the subjects of this Law.
2. The concept of “Association” should only be based on 4 main marks, as being a voluntary organization, having corporate entity status, having regular activities, being non-profit oriented. (The issue of members’ interests should not be rigidly stipulated as there are Associations not oriented towards serving or protecting members’ interests).
There should be principle-based stipulations: An Association is an organization with corporate entity status, voluntarily established by Vietnamese citizens from the legitimate needs or interests of Vietnamese citizens, to hold regular non-profit oriented activities within the framework of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam’s Constitution and law.
3. There should be a chapter on “The relationship between the Government and Associations” where apart from the points raised in Article 6, there should be stipulations such as:
- The Government recognizes that Associations involve large scale gatherings and exert great influence among the ranks of the mass public, possess capability and effectiveness in the protection, intensification or embodiment of, response to the aspirations, interests of the mass public; [the Associations] are organizations representing the ranks and strata of the mass public in their relationship with the Government.
- The Government consults the opinions of organizations representing the ranks and strata of the mass public before issuing the decisions and policies that affect, exert influence on the public interests represented by those organizations.
- The Government may transfer a number of functions to organizations representing the ranks and strata of the mass public with appropriate capacity.
- The Government to subsidize funding and assist with other necessary conditions to organizations recognised as representing the ranks and strata of the mass public, in order to develop activities towards the protection, intensification or embodiment of, response to the aspirations, interests of the ranks and strata of the mass public.
- The Government to create conditions for associations to participate in appropriate State programs, objectives, projects, to subsidize funding for associations with activities meeting the objectives and obligations of the Government.
- Regarding management responsibility of Ministries, stipulations need only be made for registration, management of activities according to law. The issue of distributing the responsibility of managing associations to various Ministries should not be considered.
4. Regarding registration procedure on formation, there should be stipulations on the Government’s consultation with organizations representing the ranks and strata of the mass public about the formation of Associations operating in related fields or domains. There should be stipulations on organizations that are not permitted to be established.
5. The stipulations on Associations should concentrate on matters concerning the relationship between Associations and the Government, the law, the community, society. There should not be stipulations on purely internal issues of Associations. The following articles need to be added:
- The Government to encourage Associations who operate with the mass public as subjects or in certain areas to collaborate closely with those organizations representing the ranks and strata of the mass public operating with the same subjects and in the same areas, in order to increase effectiveness in operation, in serving the interests, meeting the needs and aspirations of the ranks and strata of the mass public.
- Associations can campaign to raise funds from individuals and organizations to enable them to carry out their work according to the Association’s tenets and aims, and have the responsibility to report on their finance, assets to the State agency in charge of finance administration as stipulated by law.
- Regarding international relations and activities, there should be stipulations on the conditions under which foreign aid, the use of overseas funding, stipulations on joining international organizations and international activities. There should be stipulations on the exclusive capacity given to organizations representing the ranks and strata of the Vietnamese people to represent the Vietnamese people in international relations with mass organizations of other countries in related fields and domains.
LOGICAL AND PRACTICAL BASES FOR DETERMINING THE SUBJECTS OF APPLICATION OF THE ASSOCIATION LAW
Assoc. Prof. Dr LE VAN HOE
National Institute of Administration Ho Chi Minh
The right to form Associations is a fundamental right of citizens recognised by almost all democratic countries and recorded in the Constitution. As a result of the exercise of this right, Associations develop more and more to become an indispensable institution in the organised structure of society. They have an important position, play a great role in the construction and growth of democracy, and provide an impetus to social development in all areas. Because of that important role, all Governments attach special attention to Associations, carry out the practical implementation of:
- Stipulations under the form of the Law of Association based on the freedom of citizens to form associations, to acknowledge the Associations’ autonomy in management, at the same time the State reserves the right to dissolve Associations should they infringe on Constitutional order and national unity. All Laws of Associations in various countries set forth their concepts of an Association. The German Republic Law of Federations (in 1964) defines: “The Association is a voluntary gathering of individuals and corporate entities for a relative length of time to achieve a common aim and follow a set of regulations in fulfilling the collective will which is organized under any legal form.” With this concept, the subject of application of the Law is vast, covering even companies with capital, co-operatives, mutual insurance alliances are also subjects of application (Article 17).
- Together with social progress and the democratic process, the internationalising of Associations develops not only nationwide, but also worldwide. Domestic Associations operate more and more with an international temper, as if this is a sine qua non trend. Nevertheless, the formation of Associations is always on a voluntary basis, and follows professional interests, common tastes, concerns or common development objectives (environment protection, scholarly interest promotion…)
In Vietnam, following the success of the August Revolution in 1945, the Vietnam Democratic Socialist government was established, the citizens’ freedom and democratic rights – civil rights, were recognised, including the right to form Associations. On 22 April 1946, President Ho Chi Minh issued the Decree no. 52/SL stipulating the procedure of application for Vietnamese citizens wishing to form Associations (or mass-organizations, Groups). On 9 November 1946, the first National Assembly of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam ratified the Constitution, in which the Article 10 has stipulations on Vietnamese citizens rights to:
- Freedom of speech
- Freedom to publish books
- Freedom to organize and form associations
- Religious freedom
- Freedom of residence, to travel within and outside the country.
On 31-12-1959, the National Assembly passed a new Constitution (the 1959 Constitution), fundamentally changing the 1946 Constitution. In Article 25 of Chapter 3 on the basic rights and obligations of citizens, it stipulates that: Citizens of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam have the rights to freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of forming associations and of public demonstration. The Government guarantees the necessary material conditions for citizens to enjoy these rights.” To make concrete the Constitution, the National Assembly issued the Law of Association. Following this, the Constitutions of 1980, 1992 stipulate the basic rights of citizens to form Associations (Article 67 of the 1980 Constitution, Article 69 of the 1992 Constitution). It is precisely on the basis of the Constitution and other legal documents stipulating on Associations that the Associations in our country have been formed, actively operated in the construction and defence of our Nation and Socialism.
Entering into the era of socio-economic renovation, along side the socialist-oriented development of market economy, the Associations and Federations in our country have developed vigorously. Many Associations and Federations have activities reaching beyond the national territory; many associations are veterans with over half a century of operation history; many are newly formed, although young of age but definitive in their role and position. While the citizens aspiration to form new associations continues to grow, Association aims and forms of activities have become more and more diversified and complex, giving rise to no few problems related to forming an Association, to State management action over Associations, to the issues of settling disputes and dealing with infringements in Association activities… In this context, the need for a Law of Association to replace the Government’s Decrees has become more and more demanding and urgent. Right from the 8th Congress (in 1966), our Party has affirmed that: “The Government needs to issue a Law on forming associations and create necessary conditions for the activities of mass-organised groups.” Then, at the 9th Congress (in 2001) the Party continued to affirm and press for: “Widening and diversification of forms of public gathering for participation in mass groups, social organizations, professional, cultural, friendship, welfare, humanitarian associations... [by] expediting the issue of the Law of association.”
Although the Party’s policy of issuing the Law of association has been in existence for nearly 10 years, while the reality of organising and operating Associations, Federations has become more and more complex, the National Assembly has not yet passed a bill for the Law of Association. There are several reasons for this, among them the issue of awareness leading to unconcensual views on the contents of the stipulations of the Law, especially the subjects of application (or the governed subjects of the Law). In our opinion, this is related to the following issues:
Firstly, regarding terminology, besides the term “socio-political organization” being used to designate the Vietnam Fatherland Front, the Vietnam Federation of Labour Unions, the Vietnam Women's Union, the Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Group, the Vietnam Farmers’ Association, the Vietnam War Veterans Association, there is the term “other organizations.” In Article 10 of the 1992 Constitution, the term “other organizations” is understood in a very wide sense, encompassing socio-political organizations and organizations that are not political ones, the economic units. Even among the socio-political organizations, there are three with the word “Association” used in nomenclature. In place of the term “social organization”, there is also the term “people’s group,” “mass organization.” These terms are often used in Party documents. In the 8th Congress Document, however, the term “socio-political organization” is used (not counting the Fatherland Front), while in the 9th Congress Document, except for six, other organizations are designated as “mass organizations,” “social organizations,” “professional, cultural, welfare-humanitarian associations…” Right in the legal documents issued after the 1992 Constitution was amended and appended by the National Assembly, the above highly varied terms were used, causing extreme difficulty in discerning them. For example, the Law of State organization of 2002 with Article 7 employing the term “people’s organization”, while in Article 8, Item 2, organizations are listed as including socio-political organizations. social organizations, economic organizations. The Resolutions from the Standing Committee of the National Assembly on “the Assembly Representatives receiving citizens, receiving and relaying applications, expediting, following up processes of resolving appeals, prosecutions and petitions by citizens”, includes Resolution 3, Point 1, Item c employing the terms socio-political organizations, social professional organizations, economic organizations… Thus from the Constitution, the law, derivative legal documents and Party documents, widely different terms are used to refer to organizations currently existing in our country; and the important fact is that such terminology usage is not unified, with political organizations implicitly recognised but not officially explained as being the Party’s organizations. The above usage of terminology clearly indicates, with the concept of Association being elucidated, a state of disarray. And this is also a cause leading to different viewpoints in the determination of the subjects of application of the Law of Association. For that reason, to determine precisely the subjects of application of this Law, the concept of Association must be determined first, the particular characteristics of this organization should be clearly defined. In our opinion, they are:
- The Association is an organization without public power, i.e. not a State agency, a public authority.
- The Association is not a political organization, i.e. not an organization whose formation based on the solidarity of individuals with a common worldview who operate with the aim of asserting that worldview through political means, that is to say through participating in the exercise of power and contesting for social power. In our country, the social organization tacitly recognised by all is the Vietnam Communist Party. The Party is the leader of the political system: this system is understood as the mechanism through which the people exercise their power.
+ Economic organizations; these organizations are formed with the aim to engage in an enterprise, to procure profits, being opposite to the non-profit nature of Associations.
+ The voluntary nature in the solidarity of citizens and organizations for forming Associations.
+ Associations work in a regular, stable manner for the common aims of members on the basis of professional interests, preferences and developmental aspiration of members.
+ [Associations are] Oriented towards the common objectives of social development in Vietnam, these objectives being: “A wealthy people, a strong country, a just, democratic and civilized society.”
+ Associations participate in the mechanism of critical appraisal of society with regards to the activities of the political Party and the Government, ensuring the legitimate rights and interests of members.
+ Associations are governed by law and has juridical status of a legal entity.
With the above characteristics in mind, the authors of the 6th Draft Law of Association put forward a definition in Article 4: “An Association is a voluntary organization with juridical status of a legal entity, operates regularly, for non-profit purposes, with the aim of protecting legitimate rights and interests of its members, contributing to the national socio-economic development.” This is not yet sufficient, nor precise. The Association is not a voluntary organization but a voluntary gathering (alliance) of citizens, nor is it a gathering of individuals, but is also an alliance of an Association with some other Associations to become a Federation. The important factor in that alliance is the voluntary nature, the stability of the basis of common interests, preferences, the compliance with the collective orientation in social development, via means of implementing and maintaining the members’ common wish. The concept of an Association in our opinion must be able to express all the above specific attributes.
Secondly: All organizations with the above attributes are subjects of application of the Law of Association. However, because of the particular characteristics of each country, especially of the particular political system that each has, the concepts of an Association for all countries do not completely resemble each other. For Vietnam with the political system as a mechanism to express the people’s power, under the leadership of the Vietnam Communist Party, the Government is defined as the supporting pillar of the system, with socio-political organizations allowed to participate in the exercise of social power, at the same time to be the inspector, the social critic with regards to the issuing, implementation of guidelines, policies, laws by the Party and the Government, directly in the organising of the ranks and strata of society into members of organizations to exercise State power. In this aspect, the socio-political organizations are political by nature. However, socio-political organizations are also social. Representing their members being the ranks and strata of society, they work towards looking after and protect the legitimate interests of those ranks and strata, at the same time they pursue together with other organizations the objective of creating social harmony, for the sake of a prosperous nation, a fair, democratic and civilized society.
The political attribute and the social attribute of socio-political organizations, whose typical instance is the Vietnam Fatherland Front, are tightly interlinked, exhibit resilience through many stages of history, a factor constituting the specific characteristics and particularly important role of those organizations. Those attributes therefore cannot be watered down or separated in any way. Thus, in our opinion, Article 3 of the 6th draft Law of Association, the Vietnam Federation of Labour Unions, the Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Group, the Vietnam Farmers’ Association, the Vietnam Veterans Association, the Vietnam Women's Union and other religious organizations, is reasonable. This does not mean, however, that these organizations operate outside the legal framework. At present, our Government has a Law of the Vietnam Fatherland Front, on the basis of implementing Article 9 of the Constitution, on the notion that the Fatherland Front is a voluntary political alliance of individuals and organizations, being the political base for people’s political power, it operates with the purpose of promoting the tradition of mass solidarity, heightening popular consensus on political and moral issues of the people, contributing to the construction and reinforcing of the people’s political power, together with the Government, taking care and protecting legitimate interests of the people, mobilizing the people in exercising their control, solemnly implementing the Constitution and the law, supervising activities of State agencies, elected representatives and cadres, officials of the government. The member organizations of the Front, among them the five socio-political organizations as mentioned above, possess a position and a character like those of the Front, at the same time having a position and socio-political character compatible with the attributes of the ranks and strata of society whom they represent. Meanwhile, the Law of the Vietnam Fatherland Front mainly stipulates generally about the Front. Therefore if this Law is not applicable to socio-political organizations then it is necessary to add to the Law of the Fatherland Front those stipulations about socio-political organizations, or to issue a Law of Socio-political Organization replacing the current Law of the Vietnam Fatherland Front.
Thirdly: Vietnam is on the course of renovation, construction and development of a socialist-oriented market economy, at the same time implementing the policy of integration into the world economy. Under the impact of market mechanism and globalisation/internationalisation trend, at the same time the powerful impact of achievements from the scientific and industrial revolution leading to great shaking-up in the class structure of society, structure and mechanism to serve interests, in social psychological state, in lifestyle… All those aspects constitute the whole of the mechanism of governing by law, which includes the implementation of the law. For that reason, the renovation of legislative activities to adapt to the above changing situation is objective, in that it is necessary to enhance the predictability and orientation of all laws. The important thing in dealing with these issues related to democratic institutions, among them the Association, is to adhere to the principle of Government by rule of law: individuals, organizations are allowed to do all the things not prohibited by law.
A CONTRIBUTION OF IDEAS TO THE DRAFT LAW OF ASSOCIATION
Dr PHAM VAN TAN
Vietnam Federation of Science & Technology Associations
The draft Law of Association is a carefully researched work of the collective of the drafting group. The 7th draft has already had a number of amendments made on legal basis through several seminars run by the Interior Ministry, Federations and agencies to do with other than organizations or opinions expressed on the mass media. The attitude of seeking visibility, promoting democracy in the preparation of the documents on legal provisions, listening to opinions from the subjects-to-be covered by the governing scope of the legal document, have been necessary and to be valued and respected.
Nevertheless, we would like to express a number of our ideas surrounding some contents of the Law of Association related to the existence and development of socio-political organizations as follows:
I. The content of the Law of Association is essentially that of Decree 88CP.
Decree 88/2003/ND-CP issued on 30-7-2003 has revealed restrictive aspects of the law over Federated Association activities as well as over the socio-political organizations, which have been established and guided in their activities by the Party. Firstly: Decree 88 has created a differential way of dealing with socio-political organizations. In official Party documents, the Federated Associations have been defined as socio-political organizations of the scientific and industrial intelligentia, but Decree 88 has homogenised Federated Associations, the Party’s socio-political organizations with a function of assembling, uniting the Party-following section of the intelligentia by means of social professional and occupational organizations. Secondly: When the State management function of the Ministries and Departments was stipulated, it was understood that such provisions put agencies in charge of professional associations, mixing it into the set functions assigned to these agencies, leading to a tendency to bureaucratize those government services in need of being transferred to NGO’s, professional associations, who are waiting for the Government to gradually transfer public services to professional associations in order to create favourable conditions for association professional activities in the sense of being self-funded, self-responsible and in compliance to the rule of law.
2. The Party’s guiding viewpoints on socio-political organizations must be closely followed to in designing the Law of Association.
In contributing ideas on the Draft Law of Association, many researchers, leading cadres of Party and Government agencies have suggested that members of the drafting team have not studied carefully the official Party documents in reference to socio-political organizations such as the Vietnam Union of Science and Technology Associations, the Vietnam Federation of Culture and Arts Associations who have been established and guided in activities by the Party. As a result, in the Draft Bill, the Party leadership of the intelligentia – being one of the three forces constituting the Workers-Peasants-Intellectuals alliance under Party leadership – was removed. It is therefore necessary to study the Party and Government documents in order to grasp complete penetration of the Party’s viewpoints on socio-political organizations, among them the Federated Associations or Unions of Associations. And we will see clearly the Party’s process of taking cognisance of the position and role of the Federated Association as an organization representing our nation’s intelligentia.
In practice, the Federated Associations’ activities are guided by the Politbureau, the Central Party Secretariat, and directly by the Central Party Department of Science and Education. Organizing General Meetings, selecting the Heads of Federated Associations agencies and General Meeting staff are done by the Politbureau, the Party Secretariat who give guiding inputs, on the basis of nominations to the Personnel Department of the Central Committee as proposed leaders for Federated Associations. The Federations’ regulations are to be approved by the Government. Summing-up Report and draft Regulations for the Federated Associations presented at the General Meeting have already been lodged with the Party Secretariat for [approval of] the contents of the Report as well as the draft Regulations. Thus the stature of the Federated Association has surpassed the legal provisions for an ordinary professional Association in tenets, aims of activities, formation criteria, and in managing Federation of Associations. Representatives of the Central Party Departments of Ideological and Cultural Affairs, of Science and Education and Ministry of Science and Industry (circular 932/BKHCN-KHCNN sent to the Government Office) maintain that the Draft Law is not suitable for the socio-political organizations, the professional socio-political organizations, and is at variance with the Party’s viewpoints.
3. The concept of an Association should clearly determined, and classification of Association types should be stipulated in the Law of Association.
The Association is not an organization in the system of public authorities, i.e. it is not a State administrative agency. The Association is characterised by its voluntary nature, regular activities, and durability on the basis of professional interests, preferences and aspirations of members, oriented in the general aim of social development. Associations have the right to participate in mechanisms of critique and appraisal of society with respect to the Party’s and Government’s activities, ensuring their members’ legitimate rights and interests. The Association is not a political organization, in that it is not established on the basis of fostering solidarity of individuals of the same worldview who operate with the aim of asserting that worldview through a political trajectory, that is to say through participating in the exercise of power and contesting for social power. In our country, the social organization tacitly recognised by all is the Vietnam Communist Party. The economic organizations are not Associations either, as these organizations are founded with the aim of establishing enterprises and procuring profit, opposite to the non-profit nature of Associations. Therefore the Draft Law of Association has put forward a definition of an Association that is not yet sufficient, not precise. The Association is a voluntary gathering of citizens, not only of individuals but also an agglomeration of Associations to become Federations/Unions of Associations on the basis of being voluntary, having same interests, preferences, in the general collective orientation towards the development of society.
The above-mentioned special organizations are all subjects of application of the Law of Association. However, in our country, the political system operating as a mechanism executes the people’s power under Party leadership whereby: the Government manages, the socio-political organizations participate in the exercise of political power, at the same time these are supervisory organizations, offering critical appraisal of society with respect to the issuing and implementation of guidelines, policies and laws by the Party and the Government, directly organising the ranks and strata of society being members of the organizations to exercise State power. The political attribute and the social attribute of the socio-political organizations differ sharply from those of social organizations and professional organizations. The differences should be objectively recognized in putting forward the stipulations governing those organizations in the Law of Association. There should be therefore a classification of Associations according to the Party’s viewpoints and compatible with the general rules for all types of Associations. For the socio-political organizations, which have been established or recognized by the Party, there should be common stipulations on Association. Special Laws have been issued for governing each socio-political organization separately (for instances the Law of Fatherland Front, the Law of Youth Group, the Law of Labour Union) will be amended to govern in congruence with the Law of Association. For the case of the Law of Association not being applicable to the socio-political organizations, amendments should be made to the stipulations on socio-political organizations in the Law of Vietnam Fatherland Front, or a new Law of Socio-political Organization issued to replace the Law of Vietnam Fatherland Front. The Law of Association may be changed in name into: the Law of Non-government Organizations.
Another point to be noted is that in our country there are many official Associations, namely those with status of corporate entity (being registered, having a rubber stamp / seal) and also numerous unofficial Associations. Both forms exist and are active, therefore the Law of Association must take this reality into account, cannot neglect to have concrete articles and items governing the activities of unofficial Associations.
4. Concerning State management of Associations
Apart from the Ministry of Interior and provincial People’s Committees being responsible for the State management of the Associations, the Draft Law also reserves the right to manage them for various Ministries and Departments. This may be understood as the Associations being State-managed twice, by the Interior Ministry and by a Ministry in charge. In the Draft Law, there is a big confusion between management by the State and the administrative management of Associations. Stipulating the State’s management function for Ministries and Departments with respect to Associations will be understood as setting agencies up as parent bodies of professional associations, thus mixing this task of controlling the latter in with the functions of State management by government administrative agencies, leading to a tendency to bureaucratize Association activities. Duplicating or replicating management function not only will reduce the initiative and self-confidence of the Associations, it will also undermine the function of supervision and critical appraisal of society by Associations, and turn democracy into an empty formality. Furthermore, it will produce overlapping in management. This shortcoming has appeared in implementing the Decree 88/2003/ND-CP, created great difficulty to Associations’ activities in the intervening time.
The Law of Association is mainly a legal framework for the organization and activities of Associations, without the need to intervene deeply into the internal affairs of Associations. The Government needs only to stipulate the prohibited items, and determine the mandatory rules for the Associations to follow in abiding by the State administrative management. The Articles stipulating on Membership, Organization, Association activities, Federated Association, joining, splitting up, and dissolution of an Association may already intervene much too deeply in Associations affairs, making rigid the organization for and activities of Associations, which in the first place differ widely among themselves in organization and activity. The Associations being so diverse, as long as organization and activities comply with the law, there would be no need to narrow their compliance down to that of the Law of Association alone. It is therefore necessary to have a Law of Association, but the content of the Law must be compatible with, objective, correct on the viewpoint and guidelines of the Party, and it cannot replace the Associations’ capacity to self-manage.
SOME IDEAS TO CONTRIBUTE TO THE DRAFT LAW OF ASSOCIATION
Lawyer TRAN CONG DANG
President, Lawyers Association of Da Nang City
From a study of the 7th Draft Law of Association, I would like to contribute a few concrete propositions as follows:
Article 3: Subject of application – the solution 2 should be adopted. It is concise and at the same time convenient for future application.
Article 4: Point 1 – I would suggest adding the word “stabilization” to the phrase “contribute towards”… contribute towards the stabilization, development of society and economy of our country.
Article 7 (Item 3) and Article 39 (Item 1) – State management by the Ministry - departmental involvement is not necessary, as it will make for multiple levels and tiers. And in fact there are many Associations which the Department is not capable of managing, or which may not be put directly under any ministry or department, such as the Lawyers Association.
Article 9 (Item 5): The requirement to have independent assets and to discharge responsibility by means of those assets is not feasible, because only after forming the Association can one’s own assets be accumulated, either through Association fees or activities. Moreover, if assets are not specified as to consist of what items, having what value, then how can they be realistically accounted for? It is possible that a few pieces of furniture, a few computers are amply counted as assets.
Article 9 (Item 3); Article 12 (Item 5): The concrete necessary number of members required to form a Association should be stipulated immediately, one should not wait for a Government document to specify this;
Article 11 (Item 1 Point a): I propose to add at the end of item a [Point a?]… “able to express the particular characteristics of the Association.” Usually the name of an Association is related to its particular characteristics, the nature of the activities of that Association.
Article 12 (Item 7) – the word “have” should be deleted because it is redundant. The sentence will be changed to: The asset inventory document serves as security for Association activities.
Article 33 (Item 1), point a: to be changed to - Being Vietnamese citizen, aged fully 18 years or more (the word “fully” added). One more criterion to be added: must be a member of the Association.
Article 40 (Item 2): Joining, withdrawing from being member Association of the federation… Delete the word “being”;
Articles 43 & 44 – Subdividing, splitting up of the Association – should be merged into one article for the sake of conciseness, as essentially, subdividing and splitting are the same thing.
Article 32 (Items 4&5) – Settlement of assets when the Association is split up: I propose merging these items into one.
ISSUES SURROUNDING THE DRAFT BILL FOR THE
LAW OF ASSOCIATION
THE WRITERS’ ASSOCIATION PUBLISHING HOUSE
65, Nguyen Du, Hanoi
Tel & Fax: 8222135
Email: nxbhoinhavan@hn.vnn.vn
In charge of publishing
NGUYEN PHAN HACH
In charge of draft
NGUYEN KHAC TRUONG
Editor: TA DUY ANH
Cover design: MINH NGOC
Proof Reader: NGOC AN
________________________________________________________
Printed 3,000 copies size 13x19 at TNHH Vu Tuan Company
KHXB Permit registration No. 32-2006/CXB/43-02/HNV
Copies lodged after printing in January 2006
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